Tony Ortega quoting Mike Rinder… (July 29, 2014)

From Tony Ortega’s blog post of July 29, 2014:

Hana joined Scientology in 1965, became Clear number 60, then went to sea with L. Ron Hubbard, who made her captain of one of his ships. Increasingly disillusioned by what she saw of Hubbard up close, and especially after the material released in “OT 3,” she eventually left Scientology in 1984 and then became one of the most well known critics and intervention specialists. By 1991, she was probably the biggest “SP” on the planet, and the attention paid to her by the church’s private eyes proved it…

During her interview, Hana says, “I think that if Marty Rathbun and Mike Rinder ever decide to talk about this, they will talk about some of the operations that were launched against us, because they were extensive.”

We talked to Rinder, who said that between 1986 and 1993, he wasn’t working with OSA except for a period regarding Gerry Armstrong and some other specific matters. In 1991, when Hana’s surveillance was so heavy, Rinder says he was working on the LRH Life Exhibition as LRH PPRO Int (personal public relations international) after a stint in the Rehabilitation Project Force, the Sea Org’s prison detail. He says he had no experience in or oversight of the operations against Hana and Jerry Whitfield.

But I have no doubt that they underwent the same things that were done to Vaughn and Stacy Young, or Graham Berry, or others I am familiar with” he says. “Private eyes following them, calling in complaints against them, moving in next door, listening in on cordless phone calls, the whole thing,” Rinder says. 1

Gerry wrote Marty Rathbun and Mike Rinder many times and asked them to debrief about the extensive operations that were launched against him. He has made no secret of what was wanted, and what it was for, but have published openly. From March 2014:

I am not asking Marty or Mike for a deep psycho-philosophical shift, when, for example, a person changes from lying as a pro-survival activity and way of life and starts to value and desire truth telling and that becomes a way of life. I am also not denying that such a shift could perhaps occur, or be related. I think testifying seventy-some days in Scientology litigations might have altered me psycho-philosophically, and certainly being M & M & every other Scientologist’s target for all these years has.

I believe, however, that the testimony or truth that Marty and Mike can provide me, which would assist in correcting injustices, can be provided in a couple of days. They know how to debrief, know how to tell the truth, and have always had the ability. The idea that Scientologists cannot tell the truth or do not know truth from lies is a ruse that some Scientologists use to escape responsibility and natural consequences for the bad acts they know they’ve committed against their victims, or are still committing.

Marty and Mike are at cause over their refusal to now assist the people they helped to damage or destroy by intimidation, litigation and defamation activities. Their condition or their place in their long or short path of waking, recovery and healing is not why they have not assisted their victims. They had the ability to assist people while inside Scientology and the Sea Org, and the idea that they have lost that ability since leaving is ridiculous. They also have the same reasons for refusing to assist their victims that they had while in the SO. They did not acquire a new set of reasons for doing what they had always done: something or anything other than assisting their victims, giving justice, telling the truth.

I am just requesting the narrow, relevant truth about a clear and active matter: Marty, Mike, Hubbard, Miscavige, et al. v. Armstrong & friends. Marty and Mike are two individuals with a great deal of information, who are now presenting as fighters for justice who have told the truth about their part in victimizing others. Since they have not told the truth, and do not seek justice, even in correcting injustices they perpetrated and can help correct, the logical conclusion is that they are “Loyalists” mispresenting themselves.2

See also this note that includes Rinder’s clarification of why, as Graham Berry wondered, he had “not done anything to assist redeem, or apologize, those others of us who were damaged and/or destroyed by OSA’s intimidation, litigation and defamation activities.” It’s his timelessness.3


GA Letter to Clayton C. Ruby (1) (February 17, 2014)

February 17, 2014

Clayton C. Ruby, Esquire
Ruby Shiller Chan Hasan
11 Prince Arthur Avenue
Toronto, Ontario M5R 1B2
By: Canada Post
Fax 416-964-8305
Dear Mr. Ruby:

There is another point concerning the Scientologists’ unlawful covert operation against me that you refer to in your letter to Ms. Yingling1, and your perverse defamation of me.

You wrote that an October 1984 entry in Sergeant Ciampini’s diary stated that Michael Flynn called Ciampini and said that he has 30 – 35 people inside the cult who are going to take physical control and turn over all documents to IRS CID for their investigation.

The people inside the Scientology cult were not Flynn’s. They were your people. They were your clients. To lay your covert agents on Flynn is conscienceless beyond belief.

Here’s what I wrote about your covert agents in a 1994 declaration:

4. During the 1984 trial of the organization’s case against me, Church of Scientology of California and Mary Sue Hubbard v. Gerald Armstrong, Los Angeles Superior Court no. C420153 (“Armstrong I“), Sherman told me that one of these friends, whom he called “Joey,” had told him that there was an actual group inside the organization who were dedicated to reforming it because management had become suppressive. They called themselves the “Loyalists,” claiming to be “loyal” to the preservation of the ideals of Scientology, “what worked.” They also recognized that its leaders were criminal, crazy, dangerous, and not dedicated to those ideals but were acting to destroy them. The “Loyalists” wanted to take control in a well-planned, effective and peaceful action before some tragedy happened. They claimed to know of criminal activities and a key part of their plan was the documenting of these activities.

5. Sherman said they were 35 in number, or at least there were 35 who knew they were “Loyalists,” all smart, reasonable and not fanatics. Some of them were his old friends from B-1. Such persons tended to be smart, reasonable and often were not fanatics. The people whom I knew to be, including Hubbard, the organization leaders, prided themselves on their recognition of unreasonableness as a virtue, and maintained an abiding fanaticism to justify their abuses and keep their positions of power. Sherman was smart and gave every appearance of being reasonable and unfanatical. He said the Loyalists knew he was in communication with me and wanted to talk with me but were afraid for their lives. This was not surprising to me because I knew from my own experiences that the organization had a brutal side and its leaders were dangerous, armed and desperate. Thus the first communications with the Loyalists were a few messages relayed by Sherman. They said that I had a proven record against the organization, that my integrity had been unshakable and they wanted my help.2

They were not Flynn’s 35 people, or my 35 people. They were your 35 people, your criminal client’s people. You lied for the Scientologists, and to the detriment of the Scientologists victims around the world, and everyone else around the world. You lied and hurt people unlawfully for money. And people are still being hurt by you.

Please fix it now.

Yours importunately,

Gerry Armstrong


GA Letter to Clayton C. Ruby (2) (February 17, 2004)

February 17, 2014

Clayton C. Ruby, Esquire
Ruby Shiller Chan Hasan

11 Prince Arthur Avenue
Toronto, Ontario M5R 1B2
By: Canada Post

Fax 416-964-8305

Dear Mr. Ruby:

In April 1985, during the trial of Julie Christofferson v. Scientology in Portland, Oregon, cult attorney John Peterson stated to the court that you, Mr. Ruby, were responsible for the unlawful video recording you dishonestly call “a police authorized video” in your 1992 letter to Ms. Yingling.1

If a corrupt police officer signed an unlawful note authorizing you to murder someone you hated – like me for example – would you call that a police authorized murder?

Peterson said that you hired Eugene Ingram, the Scientologists’ most notorious private investigator, and you ordered the unlawful video recording, not Peterson and not the Scientology cultists. Your PI Ingram threatened to assassinate me, threatened to put a bullet between my eyes, as I’m sure you know.

At first I thought Peterson was lying in the Portland court, hiding his own and the Scientologists’ complicity in the unlawful Armstrong operation, and using the fact that you were in Canada and outside subpoena range for the Christofferson trial. Because of my discovery yesterday of your letter to Ms. Yingling, however, I have had to reconsider your involvement. I now believe that you conspired with Peterson and the Scientologists.

If attorney Peterson is to be believed at all, then you paid the corrupt LAPD officer for the unlawful “authorizations” to eaves drop on, wiretap and record my attorney Michael Flynn and me.2

Peterson also stated that you alone as of April 1985 possessed the unlawful video recordings. So I have to conclude that you are responsible for the dishonest editing of the videos, for the dishonest transcripts, and for the black propaganda the videos have been used for all these years.

I do not believe that your one letter to Ms. Yingling is your only communication about your video recordings, or your only communication lying about and black PRing me or Flynn. I think your one letter that surfaced is but the tip of a monstrous criminal black propaganda berg.

I believe that as willing as you have been to do what you have done in service of the Scientology cult, there is almost no limit to what you would do to a person you want to victimize like me. You are a criminal defense attorney with many connections into the criminal underworld, and into criminals like Ingram to do your dirty work. The Scientology cult has long had associations with dangerous criminals, and has a practice of hiring psychopaths. I believe I am in more danger from you and your clients and cohorts than ever.

Your Scientologist clients have physically assaulted me on multiple occasions, terrorized me on the freeway, broken into my car and stolen valuable property, framed me and tried to have me prosecuted on false criminal charges, obtained unlawful jail sentences against me, forced me into bankruptcy, black PRed me around the world up to the top of governments, run covert ops on me, forged my signature over racist Internet postings, and even hired prominent people like you to destroy me. You are the enemy of good people, and the world should know it for everyone’s safety.

I understand that even the most criminal even murderous people deserve legal representation. I have no problem with that concept. I have a serious problem, however, with the lawyers who lie for their criminal clients.

You also can correct all this. But you can’t correct it with more lies, or hiring more thugs. You have to tell the truth and remedy the lies and black PR you’ve spread about me, Flynn and your Scientologist clients’ other enemies or victims.

Yours genuinely,

Gerry Armstrong


  1. For videos, transcripts and related documents:
  2. See Peterson’s trial testimony in Christofferson.

Mark Rathbun: The Juggernaut (May 28, 2013)


Chapter Twenty-One


Juggernaut:   in colloquial English usage is a literal or metaphorical force regarded as mercilessly destructive and unstoppable.   – Wikipedia

For all of his alleged faults, L. Ron Hubbard was a keen observer and writer on the human condition. He once noted that “the bank follows the line of attack.”   “Bank” is Scientologese for the reactive mind, the stimulus-response portion of the mind that seeks destruction of others for survival of self.   With the devastating strike upon Ron and Scientology delivered in Los Angeles, all roads to L. Ron Hubbard’s bunker led through Flynn and Armstrong. It seemed that anyone with a score to settle was drawn like a magnet to the duo. Those combined forces took on the appearance of an overwhelming juggernaut.

The DOJ duplicated Flynn’s latest legal tactic: ask courts in Scientology litigation to order the church to produce L. Ron Hubbard as the “managing agent” of the mother church. Flynn assisted the DOJ to procure sworn declarations from his growing stable of former high-level official witnesses in support of the move.

David Mayo, the expelled former auditor to L. Ron Hubbard and erstwhile top technical authority in Scientology, had created a thriving Scientology splinter operation in Santa Barbara, California. Former high-level messengers – including two former Commanding Officers of CMO Int (Commodore’s Messenger Organization International) served as executives of his operation.   Until the Armstrong affair, they had steered clear of the L. Ron Hubbard-bashing Flynn/ FAMCO circles. But by 1984 they were supplying declarations to the DOJ and Flynn in support of their motions to compel Hubbard into depositions in lawsuits across the country.

Breckenridge’s Armstrong case decision, bolstered by a dozen declarations by former Hubbard messengers and aides, made the allegation of Hubbard’s “managing agent” status virtually uncontestable. Miscavige and Broeker were clearly established as the last links to Hubbard, but they could not provide countering declarations because it would subject them to depositions – which would lead Hubbard’s enemies directly to him.

Worse, the Breckenridge decision destroyed any chance of winning, in courts across the U.S., our vast array of pending motions to dismiss Flynn’s lawsuits on the basis of First Amendment rights to freedom of religion. The twenty-one-page Breckenridge indictment was devastating to our three years of expensive efforts at positioning much of the Flynn litigation for pre-trial dismissal.

Worse still, the decision pumped new life into what we thought by then to be criminal investigations losing steam. The Internal Revenue Service’s Criminal Investigation Division (CID) had been actively investigating the church, as well as LRH, Pat and Ann Broeker, David Miscavige and other church officials as named targets for criminal charges. Until the Breckenridge decision we had kept the CID somewhat at bay through litigation combatting their summons power, and a team of lawyers attempting to negotiate with IRS counsel and DOJ officials. But our intelligence lines were reporting that the LA-based CID group was once again gearing up to indict Hubbard and his aides.

The Ontario Provincial Police had, after their March, 1983 raid, steered clear of targeting Hubbard. Now they were reconsidering, in light of the outcome of the Armstrong case.

Our intelligence network reported that Gerry Armstrong was feeling drunk with power, given the sudden attention he’d received and his new importance in the anti-Scientology community. It seemed Armstrong and Flynn had worked their way up to being the axle to which all anti-Scientology spokes were linked. Per reports, Armstrong was talking of bringing all Scientology’s enemies together in a concerted effort to take over the church. The man who had prevailed in his case because of his alleged “fear for his life” was beating his chest and promising to take the very life of our church, and convert all its assets to outside control.

Our only shot at staving off indictments against LRH across North America, and of keeping him out of the couple of dozen pending lawsuits was to take out the axle and so depower its spokes. It was this desperate state of affairs that drew me directly into the shadowy world of intelligence. Throughout his litigation Armstrong had remained in periodic communication with a Scientologist who knew a thing or two about intelligence. Dan Sherman had published a number of spy novels, and had struck up an acquaintance with Armstrong. Armstrong looked up to Sherman and envied his literary success and intelligence acumen. Armstrong believed that Sherman – like so many other Scientologists during the tumultuous early eighties – was disaffected with the church and no longer considered himself a member. In fact, Sherman was cultivating a friendship with Armstrong in order to glean intelligence from him about the enemy camp. Up through the trial their communications were infrequent and mundane.   All that changed when Armstrong became an overnight anti-Scientology sensation. Because of Armstrong’s newly won stardom, Sherman began giving him more face time. Armstrong began sharing some of the details of his activities as a coordination point for all camps inimical to the church, from the Ontario Provincial Police, to the IRS CID, to the DOJ, to the Mayo splinter movement. Armstrong asked Sherman to see whether he could locate some church insiders who might aid in a take-over coup inside the church.

Gene Ingram and I concocted a rather elaborate game plan.   Gene would tap one of his old LAPD comrades to obtain written permission to covertly video record conversations with Gerry Armstrong. Technically, it was a lawfully given permission since we had a witness attesting that Armstrong was suggesting taking over and destroying the church by questionable means.

Gene obtained a recreational vehicle which had a wide rear window with reflective coating, making it one-way vision. A high-powered camera could record what was going on outside without being seen. We planned to record meetings with Armstrong to obtain evidence showing that not only was he not afraid for his life, he in fact was a well-backed aggressor and an operative of government agencies out to get Scientology. After taking circuitous routes to lose any possible tails, Sherman and I met Ingram in the RV in Long Beach. We worked out every detail of Sherman’s cover. We would bring in a former GO operative and have Sherman introduce him to Armstrong as a church insider, plotting the overthrow of the Miscavige regime and willing to play ball with Armstrong, Flynn and their government allies. That would hopefully prompt Armstrong to repeat and elaborate on some of the provocative takeover and take-down ideas he had alluded to in earlier conversations.

The chosen venue for the meetings was Griffith Park, inside LAPD jurisdiction and with plenty of opportunities for positioning the RV to capture the action. Sherman met with Armstrong and whetted his appetite. He told him he had made contact with an ally who had a number of well-placed contacts, currently on staff in the church. He told Armstrong he could only be identified by his first name, Joey, for security purposes. Joey was formerly of the Guardian’s Office and was connected to a number of former GO people who were bitter about being ousted by Miscavige, and sympathetic to Armstrong and the Mayo splinter movement.   Armstrong was visibly overjoyed at this opportunity gratuitously falling into his lap.

Sherman arranged a meeting between Armstrong and Joey to take place on a park bench in Griffith Park. Joey wore an audio wire which transmitted the conversation back to the RV, parked a hundred yards away and video recording the event. Armstrong and Joey both wore sunglasses; both attempted to look as nonchalant as could be, as they introduced themselves.

Joey explained that there was serious disaffection within the church, and a forming cabal of veteran staff ready to take out Miscavige and the current management. He called this cell the Loyalists. Armstrong was clearly excited, and believed Joey’s cover – no doubt because of Sherman’s story-telling skills and credibility with Armstrong.

Armstrong shared with Joey the master plan, which he represented as his brainchild, along with Michael Flynn. He explained that the plan was backed by the Ontario Provincial Police, the DOJ and the IRS. Flynn would prepare a lawsuit on behalf of the Loyalists, asking the Attorney General of California to take the church into receivership on their behalf. The DOJ, FBI, and IRS would conduct a raid on church premises to get fresh evidence of illegalities, in support of the Loyalist action. The raid would be coordinated to coincide with the filing of the receivership action.   The public relations fallout and the possible arrests of leaders would all but cripple the church.

Joey played his role well, feigning fear and nervousness that Armstrong could make good on the government back-up. In order to prove his representations, Armstrong opened a notebook and started naming his government contacts, representing that each was briefed, coordinated and ready to roll with the plan. He cited the following agents as close personal friends and in constant contact and coordination with him and with Flynn:

Al Ristuccia – Los Angeles office of the IRS Criminal Investigation Division

Al Lipkin –  Los Angeles office of the IRS Criminal Investigation Division

Richard Greenberg – U.S. Department of Justice, lead counsel in defending civil litigation brought by the church against DOJ, FBI and IRS

Tom Doughty – DOJ associate of Greenberg

Al Ciampini – Ontario Provincial Police

Armstrong provided Joey with phone numbers for each, including home numbers for some – and urged Joey to get in touch with his team members from these agencies.

Over time, Armstrong told Joey that the IRS CID was the most active government participant, and served as the main coordination point between agencies. He told Joey the CID agents had been briefed about Joey and the Loyalists, and were excited and supportive. The CID would grant them informant status, offer immunity for any crimes they might commit in assisting the government, and had even talked of providing safe houses for insiders. Armstrong then asked   Joey to get his contacts to go into church files and find evidence of illegalities, so that the IRS and DOJ would know where to search. Joey then brought into the mix someone whom Gerry had known from his Sea Org days.   Mike Rinder was a Commodore’s Messenger who had once worked directly with Ron.   He was then heading up the U.S. branch of the Office of Special Affairs.   Joey introduced Mike to Gerry.   Mike reported to Gerry that the files were relatively clean – there were no big smoking-gun documents being created after the 1977 FBI raids. At this point Armstrong’s macho bravado provided what would be our greatest defense against the indictments being issued against Hubbard, Miscavige, et al.   Armstrong suggested that the Loyalists create evidence of illegalities and plant them in church files for the IRS and DOJ to find in a raid, and use against church officials.

All of Armstrong’s representations about government conspiracies to take down church leadership and close down the operation were duly recorded.

David Miscavige was ecstatic with the results. He had me make a presentation of the evidence to a team of criminal lawyers, assembled to represent L. Ron Hubbard, Miscavige, Pat Broker and Lyman Spurlock (Hubbard’s accountant at ASI) to prevent IRS CID indictments and convictions – the potential charges we took most seriously. These attorneys – most from white-shoe Washington, D.C. law firms – were scaring the hell out of Miscavige. They were suggesting the IRS CID case was so serious that they recommended working a deal with the IRS for Miscavige and Spurlock to do time in halfway houses, so as to prevent indictment of Hubbard.   At the root of the IRS CID case was the evidence of millions of dollars of church monies being funneled to Hubbard through fraudulent means. And at the heart of the case would be the infamous MCCS taped conference in which church attorneys and staff acknowledged the fraudulent nature of the transfers.

My presentation horrified the team of criminal attorneys. They were hired because of their conservative, Reagan administration contacts. They did not want anything to do with such an aggressive investigative move.   They were concerned about the propriety of the means Ingram and I had utilized to obtain the evidence, and thought it would reflect badly on their own reputations. One attorney who represented Miscavige personally took me aside, though. He said he did not know how to use it at the moment, but that the evidence I had obtained would ultimately save the day for Hubbard, Miscavige and the church.   Gerald Feffer was the former Assistant Deputy Attorney General for taxation during the Carter administration. He was becoming a dean of white-collar criminal case dismissal prior to indictment. He would become a senior partner in the venerable D.C. law firm Williams & Connally.   Gerry told me to work with some of our more aggressive civil counsel to figure out a way to make the information public, and he would use it to make the IRS criminal case go away.

Another disclosure from the Griffith Park meetings cut to the quick with both Miscavige and me. Armstrong had told Joey that another Department of Justice player was in on the grand plan to close down Scientology: Bracket Deniston III. Armstrong said that Deniston was not investigating to find out who attempted to pass Hubbard’s check, and he was not investigating the evidence we had provided to him.   Instead Deniston was out to nail our investigator, Gene Ingram. Deniston had represented to Armstrong that he was setting traps to nail Ingram and the church for attempting to frame Flynn with purchased evidence.

This was particularly disconcerting, given events in the check investigation while all this Armstrong business was going down.   After I had been ordered out of Boston by Deniston, I had been lured back in by a man being prosecuted by his office. Larry Reservitz had been charged in a case very similar to the one involving LRH’s check. One of Reservitz’s connections who had access to Bank of New England records had used his access to fraudulently transfer money from random accounts to Reservitz. While under indictment, Reservitz reached out to me for the $ 10,000 reward we had previously advertised in the New York Times, claiming he had inside information on the Hubbard case and could identify the inside man at BNE. We had a number of phone calls and several meetings attempting to negotiate the deal. The jockeying was due to my suspicion that Reservitz was shaking us down, and I was searching for facts that would indicate he knew what he was talking about. Reservitz was continually attempting to characterize my questioning as an attempt to make the deal an exchange of cash for handing us Flynn.

In the meantime, Robert Mueller, Denniston’s superior and head of the Boston U.S. DOJ office fraud division, had flown to Italy to visit Ala Tamimi. He bought Tamimi’s retraction of his original statement in exchange for dropping a number of outstanding indictments the DOJ had pending against Tamimi for a variety of fraudulent schemes he had previously executed. I attempted to confront Mueller with what we had learned, but he refused to meet with me. Deniston outright denied that any visit or deal had been carried out by Mueller. In either event, Tamimi’s retraction caused Miscavige to turn up the heat to get me to turn up fresh evidence of Flynn’s involvement in the crime.

I was caught between a rock and a hard spot. Miscavige wanted Flynn at any cost.   Yet I felt that Reservitz might be attempting to frame me for attempting to frame Flynn.   I walked a tight rope between pursuing the investigation to Miscavige’s required degree of aggressiveness, and not stepping over the line with Reservitz. I even visited the Boston FBI agent in charge of the Hubbard check investigation, Jim Burleigh.   I pointedly accused Burleigh of having covertly made a deal with Reservitz to attempt to sting me.   Burleigh brought in another FBI agent to witness his categorical denial that the FBI or DOJ had made a deal with Reservitz: “We would never cooperate with the likes of Larry Reservitz.” Deniston likewise denied that Reservitz was working for the DOJ.   Still, I had my suspicions, particularly when we learned Deniston had become pals with Armstrong and Flynn.

With the sharks circling in and our waning confidence in our civil lawyers (having their heads handed to them in the Armstrong case) and criminal lawyers (advising Miscavige that he resign himself to doing time, at least in a halfway house), Miscavige ordered I find a new breed of lawyer. He wanted someone tough as nails, not some nervous Nellie.   He wanted someone who could figuratively kick Flynn’s butt in court, and scare the hell out of his DOJ and IRS backers. After an exhaustive nationwide search and many candidates eliminated, I thought we had finally found our man – in, of all places, Boston.

Earle Cooley was bigger than life.   He was a big, red-haired knock-off of L. Ron Hubbard himself. His gravelly voice was commanding. His wit was sharp. He was perennially listed in The Best Trial Lawyers in America.   He could spin a yarn that charmed judges and juries and took easy, great pleasure in viciously destroying witnesses on cross examination.   After I had interviewed Earle and reported to Miscavige, I arranged for us to watch Earle in action.   Miscavige and I flew out to Boston to see Earle perform in a high-profile art theft trial. We saw him decimate a seasoned criminal government informant so thoroughly on cross examination that the fellow, in a trademark Cooley expression, “didn’t know whether to shit or wind his watch.” Earle’s client – whom the government had dead to rights, and who was as unsympathetic a defendant as could be – was acquitted by the jury.   We had found the horse for the course.

Earle was like a breath of fresh air to Miscavige.   He took a similar black-and-white view of matters – we are right and good, the enemy is wrong and bad. Miscavige had long since lost his patience and his tolerance for our teams of civil lawyers and the civil-rights-experienced civil-rights-experienced opinion leaders among them. He referred to them as the “pointy heads,” short for “pointy-headed intellectuals.”   To him, our only problem was our counsels’ timid, second-guessing, defensive frames of mind.   And Earle reinforced that view.   Cooley attended a few civil litigation conferences with our other counsel. He ruffled their feathers by readily agreeing with Miscavige’s simplistic sum-up of what was wrong and the solution to it, aggression. The existing lawyers’ nervous objections and eye-rolling reactions to Earle’s sermons only reinforced Miscavige’s view.   “They are nothing but a pack of pussies,” he regularly groused to me; “what we need is for Earle to sink his teeth into those Flynn witnesses and that’ll be the end of this nonsense.”

Miscavige was nothing if not resilient. While never giving a hint that the overridingly important goal was the attainment of All Clear, by late 1984 it was quite evident to all involved that we were fighting an entirely different battle now. It was a fight for survival. We were desperately staving off the barbarians storming the walls of whatever compound L. Ron Hubbard might reside behind. It was evident too that Hubbard himself might have quit fighting – we no longer received any dispatches from him about the legal front. He was only sporadically sending ASI advices concerning his personal business, and to the church about Scientology matters. Miscavige had a team feverishly marketing Hubbard’s new science fiction books, the Mission Earth series. He was putting just as much pressure on church marketing folks to market Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health, the broad public re-release of the 1950 book that had launched the entire movement.   All titles were making it back onto the New York Times bestseller lists.   So the incongruity created another level of cognitive dissonance. How could government officials across the continent be so feverishly pursuing a man who was so wildly popular with the public at large?   It would be years before I would find out that the sales were given a mighty boost by teams of Scientologists sent out to bookstores to buy them in bulk.   In the meantime, Miscavige was adept at keeping me and the troops motivated, inferring that we were buying Ron time to bail out the church’s disastrous public image and to complete his final researches at the highest levels of Scientology.

With Miscavige’s solving of the “why” behind our failures to attain an All Clear – i.e., the outside lawyers’ blatant counter-intention to Hubbard’s advices on using the enemies’ tactics against them, only more cleverly and more aggressively – our defeat-battered hopes were rehabilitated. Earle Cooley, the great Scientology hope, would soon be unleashed.


  1. Rathbun, Mark (2013-05-28). Memoirs of a Scientology Warrior (pp. 255-64).
  2. GA: I mentioned Rathbun’s Chapter 21, which he titles “The Juggernaut,” in a recent letter to Dan Sherman. The whole chapter is Rathbun’s spin on the Armstrong Op, or more specifically the 1984 Griffith Park videotaping part of the op. The operation, which was clearly concocted to use or misuse the videos for nefarious purposes after the videotaping, still continues. Rathbun’s book shows the op continues by continuing it. Even though he calls it a memoir, and recounts different events or incidents in his Scientology career that appear unrelated to the op, the whole book is his spin on it. The book is also a fantastic late act, one more contemptuous fair game nastiness in the same old sick op.

    Most importantly at this time, Rathbun’s spin, and his facts propelling it, are virtually identical to the spin and facts the Miscavige Scientologists give to their description of these events in their black propaganda publications, in their filings in their legal proceedings, in their submissions to the IRS, or to governments and people around the world. The difference is that Rathbun says Miscavige ran and runs it all, and Miscavige and his corporate underlings either do not say or say the same thing.

Mark Rathbun: on Michael Flynn, Geoffrey Shervell and Gerry Armstrong (May 28, 2013)

Sure enough, right in alignment with Sun Tzu’s Art of War – which was a Hubbard-recommended read , Flynn became very resourceful once we had his back against the river. Just as it appeared he could not keep up with the mountain of paper under which our now-coordinated team was burying him, he was saved by an angel of sorts. Wayne B. Hollingsworth, recently-resigned Assistant U.S. Attorney in Boston, came on board. Hollingsworth, though not well-heeled after years of government work, outfitted Flynn’s offices with the latest in computer equipment. He brought on more attorneys and support staff. And all of these new troops apparently were not asking for a dime to devote their next several years to the FAMCO plan (or, as we suspected, they were being paid by some vested interest that was inimical to Scientology). Flynn also received a windfall, care of the fruits of Miscavige’s enemy-making proclivities. Gerry Armstrong, the archivist whom Miscavige and Starkey nearly hung for trying to protect Hubbard and the church against the very claims Flynn had been making , had made contact with Flynn. We knew this because for several months Miscavige had been directly supervising surveillance of Armstrong, through a former GO intel staff member named Geoff Shervell. Shervell utilized teams of private eyes to shadow Armstrong everywhere. Shervell reported directly to Miscavige through all those months, just as I had on litigation matters from our Special Unit. On more than one occasion, Shervell groused to me about the incessant, obsessive pressure Miscavige put on him, demanding to know Armstrong’s every move. He said, “Marty, he knows we’re on him, which kind of defeats the purpose of the surveillance .” Thinking for a moment, Geoff added, “Unless the purpose is to drive him crazy.”

Armstrong became increasingly paranoid under pressure and finally got spooked enough to go to Flynn for help. Armstrong also brought with him several boxes of biography archives he had lifted from the church; documents that demonstrated to him that Hubbard’s personal biography, promoted by the church, was full of holes. I did not connect the dots until years later, but Miscavige had essentially chased Armstrong right into the enemy camp. In September, 1982, all I knew was that Shervell had evidence of Armstrong lifting the documents, and I had direct, urgent orders from Miscavige to sue Armstrong back to the stone ages. We sued, and obtained an injunction which impounded the files with the Los Angeles Superior Court pending trial (which would occur years later). But that did not stop Armstrong from – in fact it drove him to – writing long, detailed declarations claiming L. Ron Hubbard was a fraud and that the church would stop at nothing to prevent him from proving so. Flynn now had a fresh, inside witness who knew Hubbard’s personal archives better than anybody on Ron’s side. 1


  1. Rathbun, Mark (2013-05-28). Memoirs of a Scientology Warrior (pp. 193-194). Amazon Books. Kindle Edition.

Armstrong v. Grieboski: Defamation Analysis (January 12, 2012)

What follows is the subject defamatory statement that Grieboski published on February 29, 2007, and an analysis of the content to assist in understanding the facts and my claims against him:

Because we protect the rights of all people, we are continually under scrutiny by those who do not. I make this point because of the source you referenced who is striving to give credence to the belief that we are a front for Scientologists. We have repeatedly dealt with bad press from this person and I leave it to you good readers to determine whether or not his views are based on fact.

Gerald Armstrong is a former clerk in a Scientology organization. Armstrong intended to seize assets of the Church of Scientology. When attorneys of the Church discovered the plan, they obtained permission from the Los Angeles police to conduct an investigation into Armstrong’s plans. The investigation caught Armstrong on videotape stating that he intended to forge and then plant incriminating documents on Church premises, to be discovered in a subsequent raid. When challenged on how he would obtain proof of the allegations he intended to make, he responded that: “We don’t have to prove a god dam thing. We don’t have to prove shit. We just have to allege it.”

If that is not enough, Armstrong once posted a message on the Internet concerning a letter he sent to Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War. In the letter, he offered himself to Hussein as a hostage in the Iraqi war. “If either side failed to perform any part of the agreement, the other side could execute me,” he concluded. Armstrong makes clear in his posting that he did not think the letter to Hussein was a joke, but was deadly serious. He quite proudly republishes it and other similar writings from time to time. There is much more I could say on the subject, but will leave it to the readers to research for themselves if they wish to discover the more sordid background of this “gentleman,” who currently has several outstanding warrants for his arrest.

1. Because we protect the rights of all people, we are continually under scrutiny by those who do not.

Grieboski implied that I do not protect the rights of people. This is baseless.

The “we” that he claimed protect the rights of all people are obviously himself, the Institute on Religion and Public Policy (IRPP) that he heads, and the other directors, officers, employees, representatives or agents of the IRPP.

I did not and do not protect the rights of people to suppress or destroy others’ human rights or the rights of people to commit torts or crimes against others. I have fought and do fight, however, for basic human rights for all people, and specialize in protecting the rights of the Scientologists’ victims.

The Scientologists specialize in, and are notorious for, suppressing and destroying basic human rights, both the rights of their own fellow Scientologists and the rights of those people who, like me, oppose this suppression and destruction. The Scientologists cloak their anti-human rights policies and practices and their widespread human rights violations with pretentious pro-human rights claims and campaigns and sham organizations such as “Youth for Human Rights” and “Artists for Human Rights.”

Grieboski supports the Scientologists’ suppression and destruction of their victims’ basic human rights, most egregiously these victims’ right to religious freedom. It is a willful and cruel lie that he and the IRPP protect the rights of all people. Even this one defamatory attack on me that I am responding to here demonstrates that he not only does not protect my human rights, and the rights of persons acting in concert with me, but actively collaborates with the Scientologists in the suppression and destruction of our human rights.

2. I make this point because of the source you referenced who is striving to give credence to the belief that we are a front for Scientologists.

I am not named in the NE Pennsylvania Media blog entry to which Grieboski was responding. It is clear, however, from reading what follows in his response that he is referring to me.

I do not believe that before Grieboski published his letter on the NE PA Media blog I ever strived to give credence to the belief that he and his Institute on Religion and Public Policy (IRPP) were a front for the Scientologists. In my open letter to him of October 25, 2004, I did accuse him of supporting the Scientology organization, of shilling for it or collaborating with it, indeed irresponsibly shilling for Scientology, but I did not then accuse him or the IRPP of being a front for the cult.

My 2004 open letter was, I believe, the only public statement I made about Grieboski and the IRPP’s relationship with the Scientologists prior to a second open letter that I wrote to him on May 11, 2009. Although I sent both letters to him directly as well as posting them to my web site and Scientology-related forums, he did not reply to either letter.

This is some basic Wikipedia information on “fronts” as Grieboski is using the term:

A front organization is any entity set up by and controlled by another organization, such as intelligence agencies, organized crime groups, banned organizations, religious or political groups, advocacy groups, or corporations. Front organizations can act for the parent group without the actions being attributed to the parent group.

Front organizations that appear to be independent voluntary associations or charitable organizations are called front groups. In the business world, front organizations such as front companies or shell corporations are used to shield the parent company from legal liability. In international relations, a puppet state is a state which acts as a front (or surrogate) for another state.

The same Wikipedia article contains a section about Scientology fronts:

The Church of Scientology uses front groups either to promote their interests in politics or to make their group seem more legitimate[]. The FBI’s July 7, 1977 raids on the Church’s offices (following discovery of the Church’s Operation Snow White) turned up, among other documents, an undated memo entitled “PR General Categories of Data Needing Coding”. This memo listed what it called “Secret PR Front Groups,” which included the group APRL, “Alliance for the Preservation of Religious Liberty” (later renamed “Americans Preserving Religious Liberty”).[] The Cult Awareness Network (CAN) is considered by many to now be a front group for the Church of Scientology, which took the group over financially after bankrupting it in a series of lawsuits.[]

Time identified several other fronts for Scientology, including: the Citizens Commission on Human Rights (CCHR), The Way to Happiness Foundation, Applied Scholastics, the Concerned Businessmen’s Association of America, and HealthMed Clinic.[] Seven years later the Boston Herald showed how Narconon and World Literacy Crusade are also fronting for Scientology.[] Other Scientology groups include Downtown Medical, Criminon and the Association for Better Living and Education (ABLE).

Not long after I published my 2004 letter, as I explained in my 2009 letter to Grieboski, one of his former employees Daniel Chapman contacted me and told me that when Grieboski started the IRPP in 1999 he had been receiving $8,000 per month from the Scientologists. It is possible that the Scientologists paid to set up the IRPP, and that it was their front from its inception, but I had no way of knowing this when I wrote the 2004 letter.

On December 21, 2011, Mark (“Marty”)Rathbun published on his blog what purports to be a Scientology program order entitled “Grieboski Program” dated January 29, 2007, which lays out “targets,” or actions that Grieboski’s Scientologist handlers were to take, and get him to take, to more effectively use his contacts and communication lines to resolve the Scientologists’ identified problems in Europe and help get Scientology into Muslim countries.

I have added a few notes at the end of the program [link], which is otherwise as I received it, to explain some terms, acronyms, etc. I am familiar with such Scientology programs, and have no reason to doubt the Grieboski Program’s authenticity, even though this is an electronic (not printed) document, the program number and distribution list are not provided, and the Scientologists or “posts” to whom each target was assigned for execution are not identified. The program states that as of January 2007 the Scientologists were paying Grieboski “on a flat rate,” but that was “being changed to payment on a “by product” basis.”

I do not know whether the Scientologists were paying Grieboski a flat fee or had him on commission on February 29, 2008 when he published the letter containing the subject defamatory statement. I also know of no evidence that he and the Scientologists had ended their agency relationship before that date. The Scientologists acknowledge in the 2007 Grieboski Program that they were then running him, but wanted him “being run him for product” so they would get more return for the money they were paying him.

On December 21, 2011, Tony Ortega, Editor-in-Chief of The Village Voice, blogged about the Scientologists’ “leaked” Grieboski Program, and concluded that “the document is unequivocal [ ] that Grieboski had been, at least at that point in 2007, a paid agent for the church.” Ortega also wrote:

I just talked to Mike Rinder, formerly Scientology’s top spokesman and the executive director of OSA until he left the church in 2007. I asked him whether Grieboski really was on the church’s payroll.

“Yeah. I hired him,” Rinder told me.

“He was absolutely employed by the church, and it was because of his Catholic connections,” Rinder continued. “He had connection into the Vatican, and all of the Catholic countries where the church was having problems. Italy, France, Belgium. That’s why he was on the payroll. He’s a lobbyist. That’s what the guy is.”

Ortega wrote that he had tried to reach Grieboski about his agency relationship with the Scientologists, and received a reply, which stated in part:

In response to your question, THE INSTITUTE on Religion and Public Policy does not take nor has it ever taken funds from any religious institution or denomination


In a personal capacity aside from my work with THE INSTITUTE, I have advised a number of institutions – religious and non-religious – on policy issues. I have advised the Scientologists as I have numerous other groups.

In addition to operating the IRPP, Grieboski is also Chairman and CEO of the for-profit firm “Just Consulting,” and it is possible that he used this firm to receive and hide payments the Scientologists sent him. Just Consulting, which gives its address as 500 N. Washington Street, Alexandria, VA 22314, says about itself on its web site:

just consulting is a dynamic, innovative and energetic comprehensive social justice consulting firm committed to the belief that people are more important than profit.


From social networking management to international mediation and conflict transformation; from business development to search engine optimization; from crisis management to governmental education; from political campaigns to ngo development; from public relations to image development, just consulting achieves and exceeds our clients’ goals with efficiency, ingenuity and integrity.

The Scientologists’ goals for me, as stated in their policies or “scriptures” and as demonstrated by their actions over thirty years, are to suppress and destroy my basic human rights, to silence me about my religious beliefs and experiences, to punish me for not being silenced, to degrade my image to beast level, and to just go all the way in and obliterate me. See scriptural policy letter from Scientology founder L. Ron Hubbard entitled “Battle Tactics,” dated 16 February 1969, revised and reissued 24 September 1987:

The defamatory statement, Grieboski’s “repeated” dealings about me, and his other actions over the years against me, were carried out by a man who either possessed or claimed to possess, and be internationally renowned for, extraordinary expertise in, and resources for, influencing or manipulating people’s minds and public opinion. He has Just Consulting say about his connections:

His extensive travels to every corner of the globe have allowed Joe to meet, interact with, and befriend leaders of business and industry, government, entertainment, advocacy, and other arenas, giving him one of Washington’s best and most sought after rolodexes.

Because of his agency relationship with the Scientologists, and with any pay arrangement, Grieboski was also, and remains, a “beneficiary” of the injunction that the Scientologists obtained against me in 1995 in the case of Scientology v. Armstrong, California Superior Court, Marin County, no. 157680.
Doubtlessly both the IRPP and Just Consulting are also beneficiaries of the Scientologists’ injunction.

This injunction prohibits me and “persons acting in concert” with me from expressing our religious beliefs or experiences regarding the Scientology religion to anyone anywhere. The injunction also prohibits us from discussing any of the myriad “Scientology affiliated Churches, organizations and entities, and their officers, directors, agents, representatives, employees, volunteers, successors, assigns and legal counsel,” which substantially comprise the global class known as “beneficiaries.” The injunction does not prohibit any of the beneficiaries, e.g., Mr. Grieboski as an agent or employee of one Scientology entity or another, from discussing me, as he has done in the subject defamatory statement. Even if Grieboski was not being paid by any Scientology entity when he published this statement, he was still a beneficiary as an unpaid “volunteer.”

The injunction prohibits me and persons acting in concert with me from assisting the class of persons or entities whose interests are adverse to any of the beneficiaries’ interests. In practical terms, these are persons or entities that the beneficiaries treat or handle as “enemies.” The class of persons or entities that comprise the beneficiaries’ “enemies” are those that the beneficiaries have damaged or victimized, those that seek to defend themselves or stand up for the beneficiaries’ victims, or those that oppose or threaten the beneficiaries’ ability or freedom to victimize others.

In Scientology scripture, and in the Scientologists’ common communications, their individual enemies are known as “Suppressive Persons” or “SPs.” Entities that the Scientologists target as enemies are known as “Suppressive Groups” or “SP Groups.” In his scripture, Hubbard called the treatment or handling of SPs and SP Groups “fair game.” Adherence to their Suppressive Person doctrine is universal among Scientologists, and motivates and justifies their victimization of SPs. For further information on the SP doctrine, see this web site that my wife Caroline Letkeman and I maintain to expose and oppose the doctrine and defend its victims: See specifically:

Scientology scripture and Scientologists applying their scripture vilify SPs as destructive, psychotic and criminal, the cause of all illness, accidents and bad conditions, and deserving no civil rights. Scientology scripture and Scientologists equate SPs with psychopathic mass murderers like Hitler, Stalin and Osama bin Laden. SPs, however, are simply those people who tell the truth about Hubbard, Scientology, Scientologists and their collaborators, despite being fair gamed for doing so. Some of the truth about Hubbard, et al. is ugly because these people and entities, who largely comprise the beneficiaries, have a long history of lying, fraud, fear mongering, extortion, harassment and human rights violations. SP groups are those that facilitate the truth being told, or which defend SPs or anyone else the Scientologists victimize.

Since Suppressive Persons are created and labeled in Scientology scripture, and their vilification and persecution is ordered in scripture, SPs comprise a persecuted religious class. It is a cruel irony that Grieboski and the IRPP claim to be standing up for persecuted religious classes such as the SP class, when they are actually supporting the persecutors. Grieboski, the IRPP, and likely Just Consulting, are beneficiaries of that persecution by court order, based on contract. Grieboski and his organizations stand up for the right and freedom of religious corporations to persecute individuals and suppress and destroy individual human rights as protected religious exercise.

The injunction’s prohibitions are in clear violation of international human rights charters, and unlawful by US and international law. The Scientologists obtained the injunction by unlawful means, and their actions, the prohibitions, and the beneficiaries’ efforts to enforce these unlawful prohibitions constitute violations of federal criminal statutes, specifically 18 U.S.C. §241 “Conspiracy against rights,” and 18 U.S.C. §242 “Deprivation of rights under color of law.” See, e.g., my 2004 complaint report to U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division:

Mark Rathbun, who “leaked” the Grieboski Program, was for many years, under current Scientology head David Miscavige, responsible for the Scientologists’ fair gaming of the SP class. In reality, fair game is more specifically directed against those SPs that Miscavige, et al. view as threats to their ability and freedom to operate, expand, and get away with their violations of human rights and criminal statutes. The Scientologists that Rathbun directed, and his replacement directs, handle designated SP targets on covert and overt intelligence, public relations and legal channels according to the Scientologists’ post function, orders, missions, operations and programs. Rathbun oversaw activities that resulted in the unlawful injunction and the efforts to enforce it, and he is knowledgeable about other torts and crimes committed against me over many years.

Over the last approximately three years, Rathbun has publicly and consistently claimed that he has split from Miscavige and certain Scientology related entities. Rathbun has been criticizing them for their antisocial actions against Scientologists, and in early 2009, he publicly offered to help people in my situation. I wanted his help to end and redress the beneficiaries’ ongoing injustices against me that he had helped perpetrate, e.g., the injunction. His testimony concerning his personal knowledge of actions taken against my attorneys and me to perpetrate those injustices would help end and redress them. I wrote Rathbun a series of letters requesting his offered help, but he has so far refused to help in any way. His treatment or handling of me instead of helping indicates that he and Miscavige still share the same malevolent intentions toward me and people acting in concert with me.

Rathbun was also responsible for many years, under Miscavige, for what Hubbard called in scripture “black propaganda” or “black PR” against me. Black PR is the Scientologists’ policy, technology and practice of defaming their designated SP targets to destroy their reputations, credibility, relationships, livelihoods and lives. Black PR is often covert, on hidden channels from hidden sources. Rathbun knows the facts and truth behind the Scientologists’ black PR against me, knows about programs to black PR me, and knows what individuals and entities received what black PR and when. This includes black PR on me that the Scientologists included in their submissions to the IRS to get tax exemption for the Scientology and Scientology-affiliated entities, and black PR to the US Department of Justice, the State Department, and foreign governments.

I asked Rathbun for help correcting the Scientologists’ black PR on me and repairing the damage done, but he has refused to help. See, e.g., Instead, he has continued to treat and handle me as an SP target, continued to black PR me, and encouraged his fellow Scientologists to black PR me. Grieboski’s defamatory statement about me is part of the Scientologists’ long black PR campaign against me, and uses specific points and language from that campaign.

Mike Rinder, who confirmed to Village Voice Editor Tony Ortega that he had hired Grieboski and that the Scientologists had him on their payroll, was also for many years involved in actions victimizing designated SPs, including illegal actions against me personally. Under Miscavige, and for much of that time under Rathbun, Rinder ran the intelligence, PR and legal bureaus and personnel around the world. Rinder was also an official representative and spokesperson of the Scientologists’ central organization for several years, and participated in the global black PR campaign against me. Like Rathbun, Rinder claims that he has left the Miscavige faction and that he wants justice for the people that Miscavige and his Scientologists have victimized. So far, however, Rinder has refused to help me, and still black PRs me.

3. We have repeatedly dealt with bad press from this person and I leave it to you good readers to determine whether or not his views are based on fact.

The “we” in this context, as Grieboski obviously intended, were he and the IRPP. For legal purposes in connection with the subject defamatory statement, this could include Just Consulting. I am clearly “this person.”

Grieboski did not identify the “bad press” supposedly from me that he claims to have repeatedly dealt with. What “press” from me existed, however, is generally what I had said or published about Hubbard, Scientology, Scientologists and their collaborators like Grieboski prior to February 29, 2008 when he posted his letter with the subject defamatory statement to the NE PA Media blog. Virtually everything I have said or published about Hubbard, et al. is “bad press” from the beneficiaries’ perspective, because it is the truth about them, which includes the ugly truth about their lying, fraud, human rights violations, etc.

The way the Scientologists have for thirty years dealt with the truth I have told about Hubbard, et al., has been to attack and black PR me as the source of that truth, and never to confront and respond to the truth being told. See, e.g., the Scientology policy known as “Attack the Attacker:” Grieboski has followed the same policy with his publication of the subject defamatory statement. He did not identify the “bad press,” or the truth, from me, and although he said he was leaving the determination of the factual basis of my “views,” he did not even say what my “views” were. He simply attacked me with the black propaganda that his Scientologist handlers or paymasters provided him for that purpose.

Before Grieboski published the subject defamatory statement, I had told the truth about Hubbard, Scientology, Scientologists and their collaborators in over seventy days of oral testimony in depositions or trials, in dozens of sworn declarations or affidavits, and in thousands of essays, articles or comments. All such expressions by me include my religious beliefs, religious experiences and religious knowledge of Hubbard, Scientology, Scientologists and their collaborators, which are all connected and classed by religion.

The persons, offices or entities that Grieboski communicated or interacted with between 1999 and 2008, or up to the present time, in his repeated dealing with my statements, views or “bad press,” perhaps can only be identified with greater specificity in the discovery stage in a legal action against him, the IRPP, etc. The list he provided in his letter, however, of his claimed actions or accomplishments, would be sufficient to understand the range and global scope of people and entities with which he had dealt: US House and Senate Committees; the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; countless international parliamentary committees; numerous organizations including the United Nations, Council of Europe, and the European Union; the President of the United States; Tony Blair; the Panel of Experts for International Religious Freedom of the British Foreign Ministry; foreign heads of state and government officials; International Diplomats; and thousands of interested parties. Getting to these and more people and entities, and communicating with them once they’d been gotten to, is where Grieboski would have dealt with the “bad press” from me.

This astonishing list of people and entities that Grieboski admitted to have been dealing with also provides a basis for understanding the massiveness of what it will take to correct the black PR on me that he and his entities have been spreading about me, and to repair the damage their black PR campaign has done. I would expect that, unless Mr. Grieboski’s conscience is at some point shocked and he honestly undertakes to correct all the lies he has told and redress the damage he has done, I would be dealing with all the recipients of his black PR the rest of my life.

The list of person and entities identified in the Grieboski Program that he had been dealing with or his Scientologist handlers intended him to deal with is also quite substantial: individuals in the RCC and other major religions as well as political personalities; congressional allies (House and Senate); Belgian, French and German authorities; contacts to the top level of the RCC; the Belgian RCC and the government; rabid parliamentarians; upper strata officials of the Belgian national government; in France, the upper executive strata of the national government, the national Senate, the RCC and the Protestant Church; French government officials, Senate leaders and religious leaders; contacts in the German federal government and pertinent German states; German churches (RCC and Protestants); federal officials; state government officials; contacts in the ministerial strata of Poland’s national government and in the RCC; Polish government officials and RCC leaders; all member MPs around the world; Muslim countries; and in key Muslim countries, high level government officials, key legislators, religious leaders and top court judges.

The subject defamatory statement is the only act I know of in his repeated dealings with me and my my words. The rest of his repeated dealings, as far as my knowledge goes, were covert, pure black propaganda. I have not been able to find where Grieboski has openly and publicly black PRed any other person as he has black PRed me.

4. Gerald Armstrong is a former clerk in a Scientology organization.

This is a ridiculous bit of resumé black PR that the Scientologists and their collaborators have been generating for decades. The intention is to make nothing of my actual history and resumé in Scientology and so disparage the experiences and knowledge I acquired while occupying positions that were not just being a clerk. The June 1983 Penthouse, e.g., contained an interview with Heber Jentzsch, identified as “president of the church,” which included this exchange:

Penthouse: The allegation has been made that the Church of Scientology has hounded ex-members who have spoken out negatively about the church.

Jentzsch: Can you give me the names?

Penthouse: Gerald Armstrong is the first that comes to mind.

Jentzsch: Mr. Armstrong is my step-son-in-law; I know him quite well. He was a clerk, and he also drove a car. And that’s all he ever did. When he left, he sort of tried to raise his status.

Since the 1990s, the Scientologists have maintained Internet sites to black PR different sets of their targets and victims including me, and have used the same clerk claim, always presented as valuable knowledge that explains so much by first putting me in my place. This is from what I believe is the latest incarnation of one such site that the Scientologists call “Religious Freedom Watch:”

Gerald Armstrong is a former clerk in a Scientology church.In former days, Armstrong hatched a plot to seize the Church’s assets in collaboration with the Los Angeles IRS Criminal Investigation Division.

When the Church discovered this, its attorneys obtained permission from a Los Angeles police officer to conduct an investigation into Armstrong’s plans. The investigation caught Armstrong on videotape stating that he intended to forge and then plant incriminating documents on Church premises, to be discovered in a subsequent raid.

I wrote to head Scientologist David Miscavige on November 23, 2006 protesting being black PRed as an anti-religious extremist, when I am anything but, indicating some of the lies about me on hate sites under his control, and requesting that references to me be removed from those sites.
Neither Miscavige nor any other Scientologist responded to my letter and request.

On December 10, 2002, Graeme Wilson, the Scientologists’ Public Affairs Director UK & Ireland, sent to Mike Garde, head of Dialog Center Ireland, an e-mail and attachment, which contained the clerk claim in black PR on me generated for the purpose of attacking the July 23, 1984 judgment in the case of B & G (Wards) in the High Court of Justice Family Division, Royal Courts of Justice:

One of these “experts” was Gerald Armstrong. Armstrong worked for the Church as a clerk.

For the B & G (Wards) judgment, see:
Appeal affirming the judgment:

On May 24, 2011, a Russian website, which claims to be dedicated to news about religion, posted an interview with Alexei Danchenkov, identified as Church of Scientology of Moscow spokesman and editor-in-chief of “Right to Freedom,” which (unofficial translation) contained this exchange:

Church of Scientology of Moscow spokesman and editor-in-chief of “Right to Freedom”, Alexei Danchenkov: “Armstrong was invited to Russia as an expert on Scientology, but he left the church 30 years ago”

Interview by Valery Stepanov
for “Portal-Credo.Ru”

Gerald Armstrong spoke a few days ago at St. Tikhon’s Orthodox University in Moscow and he was presented as a former senior official of the Church of Scientology. Is his name familiar to you?

Aleksei Danchenkov: Actually, Gerald Armstrong was a former clerk of the Church of Scientology of California. He left the church in 1981, stealing more than 10,000 pages of documentation. He is currently wanted by the police of the United States on a number of charges for which he could face imprisonment and be required to pay fines for contempt of court.

On June 2, I posted a response to the interview, and specifically addressed the clerk attack line:

Mr. Danchenkov and his Scientologist accomplices are further implying, of course, that “clerk” is some unimportant, degraded position in Scientology, and that the Scientologists filling that position are necessarily prevented from acquiring any experiences or knowledge that could conceivably make them experts in anything.

The truth is that I successfully held several positions during my years in Scientology, and none were termed or described as “clerk.” Another truth is that in those actual positions and years I acquired a great deal of experience and knowledge. I have also acquired a great deal of experience and knowledge in the almost thirty years since I left Scientology. Throughout these post-Scientology years, I also was in many positions and had functions different from clerk; for example, as a Scientology target, victim and opponent, and as a witness, writer, speaker and researcher.

Along with certain God-given abilities, and the necessary willingness, of course, my honestly acquired, now forty-two years of experience and knowledge have, in fact, made me an expert on Scientology. My experience, knowledge and testimony is particularly expert regarding Scientology’s “Suppressive Person” doctrine, or “SP” doctrine, and regarding the doctrine’s application, which is commonly called “fair game.”


On December 9, 2011, a Scientologist or collaborator “J. Swift,” also identified to me as Jeffrey Augustine, posted on the Scientology-related “Operation Clambake Message Board” some resumé black PR:

Because Gerry is a high level critic, I had uncritically accepted for years that what he had written was the gospel truth. Imagine my shock, then, when I discovered that Gerry had instead offered the Critics Community his highly distorted version of events that is not congruent with the Court records or even former Apollo Crew:

For example, Gerry claims he was the Legal Officer and the Intelligence Officer on the Apollo. There were no such posts on the Apollo according to Karen#1 and Mike Rinder. Why has Gerry embellished his resume?

In the same thread, my wife Caroline, who then participated on that board, challenged “Swift’s” black PR on my post history:

For a malevolent purpose – to black PR Gerry as an embellisher of his resume — you assume or invent facts of which there is no evidence. Please identify where Karen [de la Carriere] and Mike Rinder stated that Gerry was not the legal officer or intelligence officer on the Apollo, or where they stated that there were no such posts on the ship. If they stated this to you orally, please say what exactly they stated, and when.

“Swift” refused to support his assertions, and Caroline nudged him:

In any case, you just made the factual claims that (1) “according to Karen#1 and Mike Rinder,” “there were no such posts on the Apollo” as “Legal Officer and Intelligence Officer,” and that (2) Gerry “embellished his resume.” You based the resume embellishment charge on the factual claim that Rinder and Karen had made a statement of fact that the posts Gerry had occupied and put on some — also so far unproduced by you — resume, never existed on the Apollo.


You should either provide a link to Karen and Rinder’s statements (they are awfully specific), or provide the statements, or acknowledge that they didn’t say what you say they said, or back pedal, or get them to back pedal. Feel free to back pedal all you want, and you’ve got quite a track of false claims of fact, lies and black PR to back pedal from.

Caroline requested twice more publicly that “Swift” support his assertions, and he did not, but added more black PR to his attack on both of us. “

I have testified about my Scientology organization positions or posts in many legal proceedings, and have identified and described them in sworn statements I have written. I have always told the truth about these posts to the best of my ability, none of which had the title “clerk.” I was indeed, at different times, the Deputy Legal Officer, the Legal Officer, the Intelligence Officer and the Public Relations Officer on the Scientology ship “Apollo.” I was also, at different times on board, Dishwasher, Storesman, Deck Project Force Member, Boats and Transport In-Charge, the Driver, and the Port Captain.

Still in Scientology, but on land after the “Apollo” period, my posts included, chronologically, Intelligence Officer, Mimeo Operator, Hubbard’s Deputy External Communications Aide, the Bosun in the Rehabilitation Project Force (RPF) Scientology’s penal and reprogramming camp, RPF Section Member, Hubbard’s Proofreader, Set Builder, Lighting Assistant, Props In-Charge, Location Scout, Cine Services Chief, Assistant Producer, RPF Section Member, RPF Master-at-Arms, Hubbard Renovations Purchaser, Hubbard Renovations In-Charge, Deputy Commanding Officer of the Hubbard Household Unit, Hubbard Biography Researcher and Archivist.

5. Armstrong intended to seize assets of the Church of Scientology.

This is false. I had no such intention, and having such an intention would have been ridiculous. I was in no position to seize any of the Scientologists’ assets. There were Scientologists that in 1984 claimed they wanted to seize organization assets because of criminal activities their leaders were involved in; and such reformers, if they were real, would have had standing to seize, or freeze, organization assets. The Scientologists invented such a group of claimed reformers, called the “Loyalists,” in order to run a covert operation against me to entrap me or commit other crimes against me, but their claimed intention of freezing assets was a lie.

I have written about this operation that the Scientologists ran on me in a number of declarations or articles, e.g.,

6. When attorneys of the Church discovered the plan, they obtained permission from the Los Angeles police to conduct an investigation into Armstrong’s plans.

There was no such plan for the Scientologists’ attorneys to discover.

The Scientologists paid a corrupt LAPD Officer for an “authorization” for the Scientologists’ agents to phone tap and eavesdrop upon my attorney Michael J. Flynn, me and anyone else the Scientologists wanted to target. The Scientologists and their agents did illegally video record me, and used this “authorization” to justify their illegal activities. The LAPD Chief, however, on April 23, 1985, denounced any cooperation with the Scientologists’ agent, and declared their “purported authorizations directed to him, signed by any member of the Los Angeles Police Department, [ ] invalid and unauthorized.”

The Scientologists needed no permission to conduct an investigation into my plans. The “permission” they needed and purchased was to commit crimes against me, my attorney and others, which the Scientologists did. As the Chief of Police stated, whatever the Scientologists and their collaborators paid for as a permission was not a correspondence from the Los Angeles Police Department, was invalid and unauthorized, and therefore could not have been a permission from the Los Angeles police.

The Scientologists who contacted me to set me up in this operation claimed to be afraid for their lives, and for that reason they insisted they had to meet me in secret, and could not let me in on their plans. These Scientologists were lying about their fear obviously, because they were themselves the people they claimed to be afraid of.

7. The investigation caught Armstrong on videotape stating that he intended to forge and then plant incriminating documents on Church premises, to be discovered in a subsequent raid.

This is false. I have written or spoken many times over many years to counter this lie, and the rest of the black PR here about this covert and illegal intelligence operation. Also see this video made in Berlin, Germany on September 17, 2011, which describes this operation and certain other actions the Scientologists, particularly Rathbun and Rinder under Miscavige, took against me:

The Scientologists and their collaborators made the videotapes unlawfully, edited them, and for years have lied about what they did and what even the edited videos show. The Scientologists initiated a black PR letter writing campaign about the videos to government officials to get them to pressure the FBI. See, e.g., this letter dated August 6, 1985 from FBI Director William H. Webster to Don Edwards, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights in the House of Representatives:

Your letter of June 3, 1985, requesting FBI review of allegations made by Reverend John Standard III, Director, Office of Public Affairs, Church of Scientology International, concerning a “bizarre multi-agency plan to disrupt the Church of Scientology” has been brought to my attention.

The FBI has received other inquiries on this subject. I want to stress that the FBI is not involved solely or in conjunction with other Federal agencies in any attempt to destroy the Church of Scientology. In those cases where a violation of Federal law falling within the FBI’s jurisdiction has occurred, the FBI investigates such situations with complete fairness to all parties involved. The facts are then presented to the appropriate United States Attorney’s office which determines the prosecutive merits of the case.

The particular allegations made by Reverend Standard are based on conversations recorded during “secret” videotaping of a former Church member, Gerry Armstrong, whom Reverend Standard alleges is a “government covert operative.”

Gerry Armstrong, a former church member, has been interviewed numerous times by various Federal investigators and attorneys in connection with pending litigation in this and other Federal investigations. Partial transcripts of Mr. Armstrong’s videotaped conversations have been provided by the Church as exhibits to various pleadings filed in litigation with the Department of Justice, and they fail to substantiate claims of a counterintelligence program directed against that group. Conversely, review of the unexpurgated transcripts of those videotaped meetings referred to by Reverend Standard conclusively negates any inference of government conspiracy.


NOTE: Reverend John D. Standard III, Director, Office of Public Affairs, Church of Scientology International, wrote to Representative Rodino, Chairman, House Judiciary Committee alleging “a bizarre multi-agency plan to disrupt the Church of Scientology”, and requested Representative Don Edwards hold hearings on this matter. Representative Don Edwards requested the FBI review Reverend Standard’s allegations. Videotaped conversations of a former Church member, Gerry Armstrong allegedly establish the government-wide conspiracy and have been utilized as exhibits in various pleadings filed by the Church; however, the transcripts selectively omit a pertinent portion of the tape which conclusively negates any inference of government conspiracy. The context of this letter was taken, in part, from similar replies to congressional inquiries. This reply was coordinated with [blacked out] Legal Counsel Division.

[Handwritten] Copies of the transcript of the videotaped conversations of former church member Gerry Armstrong were filed as an exhibit to a motion to vacate summary judgment entered on behalf of the defendants in Founding Church of Scientology v. Director FBI etc. (USDC, DOC, CA No. 78-0107). A review of these transcripts by DOJ attorneys and by SA [blacked out] reveals several statements by Armstrong to the effect that the government is “not out to get” the Church of Scientology or any Scientologist. Copies of the full text are in possession of LCD and DOJ Federal Programs Branch. 8/1/85

8. When challenged on how he would obtain proof of the allegations he intended to make, he responded that: “We don’t have to prove a god dam thing. We don’t have to prove shit. We just have to allege it.”

This misrepresents what was going on when I said whatever I said, and misrepresents what I said. I have responded to this black propaganda many times, e.g., in my February 22, 1994 declaration, referred to above, which was in response to false statements about me made by Miscavige in a declaration he filed in the case of Scientology v. Fishman & Geertz, United States District Court for the Central District of California, Case No. CV 91-6425 HLH(Tx).:

Mr. Miscavige states that I advise one of his covert operatives to accuse the organization of various criminal acts and when I am told that no evidence exists to support those charges I respond to “just allege it.” (Miscavige Dec. p. 32, l. 5 – l. 8) “Better Basket” describes something of the context in which I make a statement differentiating between “allegations” and “proof.” The operative I’m talking to is Mike Rinder. Before this meeting I had already, on request of the “Loyalists,” provided them with a “bare bones” draft of a complaint. Complaints contain allegations. Complaints do not contain proof. Rinder, who had been represented to me as the Loyalists’ “best legal mind” couldn’t seem to get the distinction between allegations and proof in the complaint, and I was frustrated in our conversation because he seemed so dense. Now, of course, his denseness is fully understandable. He had to appear stupid and had to deny that there was any “proof” of the sort of allegations that would be made in a complaint because he knew he was being recorded on a videotape which was going to be used to attack, and if possible destroy me. Even what the organization has done to me alone (see, e.g., crimes listed by Judge Breckenridge and the list in paragraph 7 above) is enough for actual true-hearted reformers to bring a lawsuit to take control of the organization from the criminals now in charge.

9. If that is not enough, Armstrong once posted a message on the Internet concerning a letter he sent to Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War. In the letter, he offered himself to Hussein as a hostage in the Iraqi war. “If either side failed to perform any part of the agreement, the other side could execute me,” he concluded. Armstrong makes clear in his posting that he did not think the letter to Hussein was a joke, but was deadly serious. He quite proudly republishes it and other similar writings from time to time.

Grieboski has written the entirety of the subject defamatory statement as if he had personal knowledge of what he was communicating. At no point did he identify another source for this knowledge and the fact assertions he made, or even hint that there was another source. As any perusal of the Scientologists’ attacks on me over many years would show, Grieboski got this black PR on me from them.

Obviously, he does not have personal knowledge of what he was talking about. According to his own statements, he was nine years old in Scranton, PA when the Scientologists were paying an LAPD officer for authorization to commit crimes against my attorney, me, etc. Grieboski was fifteen, and reportedly still in Scranton, when I wrote to Saddam Hussein in Iraq in an effort to avert the Gulf War and arrange a hostage swap.

Grieboski really was implying that he had researched the facts, and certainly had confirmed the veracity of everything he was saying. He was communicating as if he was a legitimate historian, knowledgeable about his subject because he had honestly examined the best evidence and studied the best, most reliable reports available.

His PR about himself is a man of great ability, honesty, integrity, courage, understanding and compassion. His single defamatory black PR statement about me belies his white self-PR and reveals a black PRing man of malice. His repeatedly, over years, dealing with me and my “bad press” with his black PR, without ever attempting to contact me or ever acknowledging the truth about his black PR’s victim, shows no conscience.

Clearly, his intention regarding a letter to Saddam Hussein, and other similar writings from time to time, was to portray me as mentally deranged or psychotic. If Grieboski could get his power list of people and entities that he dealt with to accept his portrayal of me as psychotic, they would grant no credence to whatever truth I might be saying, about my religious experiences and knowledge of the Scientology religion and his Scientologist clients or bosses and their collaborators.

The Scientologists have portrayed me as deranged or psychotic ever since I left Scientology, and have even emphatically pronounced me psychotic. In their submission to the IRS, on which their 1993 tax exemption was granted, they stated:

Our consistent view has been that the civil litigants are solely motivated by greed. The exception is Armstrong who we truly believe to be psychotic. During the 1980’s, the IRS used every single civil litigant against Scientology as an IRS witness. The government, however, has no business in taking sides in a religious or civil dispute. It is indeed ironic to note that once the Flynn civil litigation in the 80’s was settled, with the exception of Armstrong, we hear no more of their “horror stories” from these paragons of virtue claiming to be interested only in “principle” and “what is right.”

The Scientologists claim to know more about the mind than psychologists or psychiatrists, and to possess the only cure for psychosis, and for virtually every non-optimum mental health condition. It is helpful to view and consider the Scientologists’ labels for people, such as “psychotic,” in light of these claims of superior knowledge and technology of the mind. Indeed the Scientologists claim to have only “workable” mental technology. If the Scientologists truly believed that I am psychotic, their treatment or handling of me has been all the more unconscionable, as has Grieboski’s.

See, e.g., this black PR handout about me dated October 26, 1997 that the Scientologists distributed in Berlin, Germany:

“They searched the whole world for the leading speaker against Scientology and all they found is a fugitive from American Justice, who fled to Canada. His normal activities consist of conversations with the dead” said lawyer Elliot Abelson who represents the International Church of Scientology. “To present such a psychotic person as Gerry Armstrong as a reliable witness is a new low in the losing international campaign, which is organized by people with governmental backing, against the fundamental rights of the members of the Church of Scientology.”

See, e.g., this black PR post on July 11, 2004 to the Usenet group alt.religion.scientology (a.r.s.) from Scientologist agent “CL:”

Hey, Spacetraveler, do yourself a big favor: if you wouldn’t try to reason with a skunk turd, don’t try to reason with Gerry Armstrong.

He is a moron. He is a pathological liar. He is a professional victim. He is a whining, pathetic, pitiful, “poor me baby,” writhing, squirming, lying, amoral, thief. He is so psychotic that he believes, and tries to make everyone else believe, that he is God’s own perfection sent to this earth to explain to everyone who looks at him cross-eyed how utterly inferior and stupid they are not to recognize his own divinity and superiority, his unblemished perfection, his bleeding wounds of infinite and endless martyrdom.

I have dealt with, and had to live with, the Scientologists’ black PR about my writings in relation to Saddam Hussein and the Gulf War for many years. See, e.g. this post to a.r.s. on February 22, 1998:
This is from my June 2, 2011 response to Russian Scientologist Alexei Danchenkov’s black PR, which shares material with Grieboski’s:

Scientology and Scientologists are driven to use whatever exists and whatever can be manufactured therefrom to show that their thoughts, words and actions against me are right, and completely justified, indeed necessary and honorable. One of their most important and often repeated pieces of “evidence” that I’m truly psychotic is my 1990 letter to Saddam.

The letter, obviously, is unrelated to Scientology. It could stand alone for consideration without reference to Scientology. Anyone could have written it without my history and present relationship with Scientology. The cult made the letter “relevant” in a lawsuit it filed and prosecuted improperly against me in the 1990’s. Once it obtained the letter in the legal proceeding, Scientology has used it in its black PR campaign.

I’ve just re-read the letter. It is grammatically solid, philosophically consistent, literary, and sincere. I was, of course, aware that there was little likelihood that Saddam would pay any attention, or even hear of my offer. I was, nevertheless, willing to make my life available if called for to avert or in relation to the coming war. Doubtlessly my offer on behalf of people who don’t participate in national negotiations could have been preferable to the wars that have since happened in Iraq.

The letter does not, however, evidence a personality disorder, legally, medically or societally, any more than any other understandable and sincere offer within a person’s capability in a tense situation evidences a personality disorder. Scientology’s leaders do not truly believe I’m psychotic, but clearly believe that their survival depends on getting others to believe I’m psychotic so that what I say won’t be believed.

In addition to black PRing me for writing Saddam Hussein to try to prevent war, Scientology also black PRs me for my writings about my plan for peacefully resolving the world’s economic problems. Scientologists have demonstrated that no matter what I say or do, no matter how unrelated to Scientology, no matter how enlightened, beneficial or even holy, they will attack it to attack me.

Yet, the attacks on me, and my associates, besides being hurtful, are irrelevant. It would not matter if I was truly psychotic, or truly evil, or the evilest person on earth, it is not right or lawful to try silence me about the Scientology religion and its religionists, by court order, by threat, or by any other means. And I am not such a person.

Because I have had to repeatedly deal with the black PR use the Scientologists and their collaborators have made of my offer to Saddam, and because I have had to confront what I had said and done that is being used for this purpose, I came to realize that I had simply offered to do as Jesus Christ declared in John 15:13: “Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.” (King James Version) I didn’t have this verse or idea in mind when I offered myself as a hostage, or for execution. I did not even consider myself a Christian then, although I was clearly moving in that direction. Being willing to be imprisoned, tortured or killed to somehow prevent other deaths, destruction and great anguish was a certain step along the way. Laying down one’s life like that implied, until the moment of death, a willingness.

As with many difficult or scary things that a person might be willing to do or might volunteer for, I ended up not being called to do it, and not having to lay down my life. Obviously many others did lay down their lives in the Gulf Wars that followed. It is possible that many of those people were unwilling, I do not know. I really did try to reach Saddam, via my local newspaper at the time, a few other media contacts, and some top government or diplomatic people involved in the buildup to war. I did not go overboard, however, or harass or taunt Saddam, or stalk the guy. I reasoned that if God was going to have him accept my offer, or even receive it, or if someone in government or media was going to think my idea had merit, for purposes of détente, literature, or even commercial exploitation, I had done enough to make my willingness known.

When I have published, republished, or linked to the already-published text of my letter to Saddam, as I have done here, I really have not done so quite proudly as Grieboski says. Saying that I have done whatever I have done “quite proudly” implies that what I have done is immoral, and not something a moral person would do proudly, or publish proudly. There is no reason for me to not be proud of my what I had done, except pride itself. It was not immoral, nor deranged. I think I have published or linked to my letter, however, and even published whatever Grieboski has black PRed as “other similar writings,” more quite matter-of-factly than quite proudly. The black PR that the Scientologists and their collaborators like Grieboski have published about me really is immoral, and they really do publish it quite proudly.

Grieboski writes in his February 29, 2008 letter:

As a devout Roman Catholic, I can and do have my own opinions about other faiths, but as a human rights advocate, it is not my responsibility to judge the worth of the beliefs of others.

The Catholic Bible I found online contains slightly different language in John 15:13 than the KJV, but the meaning of the verse in both Bibles is the same. “No one can have greater love than to lay down his life for his friends.” Although Grieboski says it to mock me and make me sound psychotic, he does acknowledge that I wasn’t joking in my letter to Saddam “but was deadly serious.” It is observable within the letter that although I was writing about deadly serious matters, about hate and death and war, and although I was serious in what I said, I did not lose a sense of humor. The Bible does not instruct Christians, Catholics or not, to mock or revile people who are willing to lay down their lives for others.

Scientologists can be expected to pervert and ridicule any Suppressive Person’s willingness to lay down his life, or his willingness to do almost any kind of good deed, or think or express any good idea. Scientologists can be expected to black PR and work to destroy the SP class, and never grant them a crumb of credence. See Scientology Policy Directive 28, “Suppressive Act – Dealing with a Declared Suppressive Person.”

Few people would expect a devout Catholic, however, to pervert and ridicule such a biblically recognized willingness, the willingness elevated by God above all other willingnesses. Fewer people would expect, or suspect, that a devout Catholic who is also a human rights advocate, and multiple Nobel Peace Prize nominee, was participating in a campaign, in fact a criminal conspiracy, to black PR a known, already grossly persecuted member of the same persecuted minority religious class that Scientologists persecute.

That Grieboski is also a beneficiary in the Scientology v. Armstrong injunction, which unlawfully persecutes the same class, is added inescapable irony. See the biography for the IRPP’s Chairman of the Board:

Mr. Grieboski’s guiding principle for the Institute is that religious freedom is not simply a church-state issue, but involves the engagement of every segment of society to secure freedom of belief for each person.

Freedom of belief without freedom of expression, of course, is nothing to secure. And Grieboski is a contracted beneficiary in mass suppression and punishment of the freedom of expression regarding religion and undeniably religious beliefs, experiences, knowledge, scripture, entities and persons.

Grieboski’s IRPP COB bio continues, and, I believe it could be argued, quite proudly:

As a religious freedom and human rights expert, he has testified before the United States Congress, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and many other legislative and international bodies.

Mr. Grieboski has traveled to Kosovo, China, South Sudan, Darfur and countless other areas to investigate the status of religious freedom.

He currently serves as the Founder and Secretary-General of the Interparliamentary Conference on Human Rights and Religious Freedom; editorial board member of the China Law and Religion Monitor; board member of the Committee for a Responsible Defense; and as a member of the Panel of Experts on International Religious Freedom of the United Kingdom’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

He has lectured for the Close Up Foundation; the National Youth Leadership Forum on Defense, Intelligence, and Diplomacy; and the Washington Semester Program on Peace and Conflict Resolution at American University. Grieboski has also served as a faculty member of the Boston University Institute on Religion and World Affairs (IRWA) Seminar “Religion and Democracy.” Grieboski investigated a run for the United States House of Representatives in 2002.

Before founding the Institute, Mr. Grieboski worked as Director of the International Religious Liberty Program of the Center for Jewish and Christian Values.

He holds a Bachelor of Science degree in Foreign Service and a Master’s in National Security Studies from Georgetown University.

Specializations: National Security; Conventional and Non-Conventional Threats to Security; Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism; Human Rights Law; Conflict Management, Constitutional Law, International Organizations

10. There is much more I could say on the subject, but will leave it to the readers to research for themselves if they wish to discover the more sordid background of this “gentleman,” who currently has several outstanding warrants for his arrest.

I look forward to hearing much more from Grieboski on the subject, in a deposition on the subject or during examination on the subject at a trial of my claims against him, which include the subject and much more.

He did not really leave anything to the readers to research. He was telling them that the more sordid background is there and real, that the research of the already agreed upon sordid background was done, and that it was discovered to be more sordid. He let the readers know that if they wanted to discover the more sordid background that he had discovered through his research, well knock themselves out, but all the research has been done, the sordid background is more sordid.

The Scientologists used the same sordid adjective in their submission to the IRS, which also included the psychotic adjective quoted above, and which obtained for them their religious tax exemption in 1993:

Church of Scientology v. Gerald Armstrong:

We have included some background information here and an epilogue to the decision in question. That is because the Service has continuously thrust the Armstrong case at us, demanding an explanation. The Armstrong case decision was so inflammatory and intemperate that it was used to stigmatize the Church in the legal arena and make other outrageous decisions possible. As we shall demonstrate below, all this decision ever involved was Armstrong’s state of mind, which subsequently obtained evidence proved conclusively to be one sordid, sadomasochistic nightmare. Furthermore, Armstrong’s state of mind horror stories have fallen on deaf ears in recent litigation. Relying on Armstrong or the Armstrong decision is wholly unjustified.

This is the decision the Scientologists are referring to in their submission:
The decision, filed June 22, 1984 in Scientology v. Armstrong, Los Angeles Superior Court, case no. C 420153, became the judgment in the case on August 10, 1984, and was affirmed on appeal on July 29, 1991.

My state of mind is not and has never been a sordid, sado-masochistic nightmare. My background is not more sordid, or sordid at all, as backgrounds go. I thank God that my background and my life are as unsordid as they are.

The quotation marks around “gentleman” here are obviously sneer quotes, signifying that I am anything but a gentleman. A gentleman, as Grieboski was using the term, would be, e.g.: A well-mannered and considerate man with high standards of proper behavior. With sneer quotes, Grieboski was saying that I am an ill-mannered and inconsiderate man of abysmal standards of behavior. With sneer quotes too, he has elevated himself to a height where his sneering at me is for everyone else’s good.

What warrants for my arrest were outstanding, if any, at the time Grieboski published his defamatory statement can only be determined by checking the records in the relevant jurisdictions. My belief is that there were not then several such outstanding warrants, and very well might have been none.

It is true that the beneficiaries have obtained jail sentences against me in California for discussing my religious beliefs, experiences and knowledge, and for assisting members of the SP class that the beneficiaries persecute, in violation of the injunction that unlawfully prohibits any such discussion and assistance. It is also true that the beneficiaries have obtained warrants to have me arrested because I have failed to serve these jail sentences. See, e.g., this bench warrant dated May 15, 1998:

In 2004, the Marin Superior Court dispensed with the pending jail sentences against me. The Scientologists appealed, and got the jail sentences reinstated on October 5, 2007. Whether or not the Scientologists obtained several warrants for my arrest between that date and February 29, 2008 I do not know, but it seems impossible. Regardless, the jail sentences, fines and any such warrants for my arrest are unlawful and bring shame upon the beneficiaries, the California Courts, the US Government, and the California and US bars; and shame upon Grieboski for using this shameful crime against me to further injure me. Having such unlawful, shameful sentences against me, arrest warrants outstanding, and all the black PR about all this all around the world, although cruel and injurious, brings no shame whatsoever.

Regarding the 2004 ruling, see the record in Scientology v. Armstrong, Marin Superior Court No. CV 021632: and this record in the California Court of Appeal, First Appellate District, Nos. A107100 and A107095, and California Supreme Court Case No. S139389:

GA letter to Mark Rathbun for help getting back stolen documents (July 7, 2009)

Dear Mark:

In my May 31 2009 letter to you, I brought up the incident of Scientology agents breaking into my car in 1984 and stealing a bunch of my things, and Miscavige’s having them after their theft. I asked for your help getting them back; in fact I wrote the whole letter essentially asking for your help in righting years of wrongs Sea Org personnel under Miscavige, including you, have committed, and continue to commit, against me – and yes, many, many others.

Oh, now that I’ve mentioned it in the above list of Fair Game attacks on me, I’ll also ask you about the theft of my original manuscript, artwork and other materials from my car. I know from both Vicki Aznaran and Jesse Prince that Miscavige actually claimed to them that he had these things in his possession after they were stolen my car, which was during the Armstrong videotape operation in the fall of 1984, so I trust you won’t pretend the theft didn’t happen. Just help me get my things back from Miscavige, okay? 1

After writing you, I remembered that Jesse Prince had told me that both Miscavige and you had told him about having my things after their theft. I also found this from a 1999 letter to Miscavige that I posted to a.r.s.:

You will recall that a cult operative broke into the trunk of my car in 1984 and stole my briefcase which contained about 300 original pages of my art, almost all handwritten or drawn. You will recall that my attorney Julia Dragojevic wrote to the org demanding return, and that your org attorney John Peterson answered, denying the theft and possession of my things.

Recently I had the happy opportunity to talk with Jesse Prince about all this. Jesse stated that while inside he too was told by both you and Mark Rathbun about your agent’s theft of my things from the trunk of my car and your having possession of them. Jesse recalled you describing my work as weird writing. You stole them, you know where they are and you can put your hands on them. Now get them back to me, and be known thereuntil as a thief.

I’m aware that you could be another Loyalist op, Mark, but I’m taking you for now at face value. So far, on its face, what you’ve said, and to me not said, indicates that in the Scientology v. Gerry Armstrong war, you are on the cult’s side.

Accepting what you’ve said about yourself, it isn’t easy for you to do what’s necessary to change that indication. I think, however, that if you start by debriefing about the 1984 theft of my things and what happened with them, and doing what is within your power to help me get them back from Miscavige, you’ll get the necessary courage.

It’s almost 25 years since my things were stolen. Following Vicki’s and Jesse’s debriefs to me about Miscavige possessing my things, I’ve written him and other Scientologists many times, requesting my things’ return. Doubtlessly you saw some of those requests in your years inside.

You knew John Peterson lied in his denial of Scientology’s knowledge of the theft. He was, of course, your organization’s front attorney just because he would willfully lie and would help Fair Game his clients’ victims.

I’d bet you knew about someone in the LAPD altering/losing my police report. These documents on the incident could refresh your memory:

My manuscript and original artwork, and every other piece of paper, are very valuable to me, and Miscavige, you, and many other Scientologists have known of their great value to me. Consider the nature of a group that would willfully inflict that pain on an individual all these years. It’s cruelty, Mark. And it’s an ongoing crime that should be confronted, stopped and expiated.

Yours steadfastly,

Gerry Armstrong


Declaration of Gerry Armstrong (March 7, 2006)

[…] 1

28. Scientology leaders had used the same Ken Hoden in a similar attempt in 1985 and 1986 to have me prosecuted by the Los Angeles District Attorney on charges


that the organization itself manufactured. Scientology ran a covert operation on me from 1982 through 1984 involving a writer Dan Sherman whom organization leaders operated to befriend me, get close to me, and set me up in a series of secretly recorded and videotaped meetings with other covert agents. Mr. Sherman and the other agents claimed that there were people inside the organization who wanted to reform it and stop Fair Game, but they were afraid for their lives and so sought out my help. The other agents David Kluge and Michael Rinder, pretending to be reformers, attempted to entrap me into the commission of crimes, without success. The recordings were made without my permission or knowledge and were illegal, and were in no way evidence of what Scientology claimed they were. Nevertheless, Scientology edited the recordings and used Mr. Hoden and others to try to get the LA DA to prosecute me, as well as my attorney Michael Flynn. Appended hereto as Exhibit C is a true and correct copy of the letter dated April 25, 1986 from LA DA to Mr. Hoden, et al. fortunately refusing prosecution or further investigation of Scientology’s claims.2 Scientology claimed that its covert videotaping operation was legal because it was authorized by the LA PD. As mentioned above, a Scientology agent had paid an LA PD officer at least ten thousand dollars for a series of phony “authorizations” to wiretap and eavesdrop on Mr. Flynn and me. Appended hereto as Exhibit D is a true and correct copy of a public announcement of April 23, 1985 from the LA Chief of Police denouncing the “authorizations” as not from the LAPD3 Despite the scathing denouncement from the Chief of Police, and the corrupt officer being suspended from


the LA PD, Scientology has continued to this day to justify its unlawful entrapment operation and the false charges it sought with the lie that the videotaping was approved by the LA PD.

29. At the time he attempted to have me prosecuted on Scientology’s trumped up charges, Mr. Hoden was part of the organization authorized and directed to handle or treat or Fair Game SPs. Scientologists in such positions are expected to lie, including under oath, to obstruct justice, and do what is necessary and can be gotten away with to harm the people organization leaders want harmed, like Mr. Henson and me. I believe that Mr. Hoden was used specifically in the efforts to have us prosecuted because he has been willing to lie, testify falsely or otherwise Fair Game us, whereas other Scientologists might not be so willing. I believe that my knowledge of Scientologists lying and testifying falsely as a practice, and specifically Ken Hoden lying, to have the organization’s SP victims prosecuted and jailed or otherwise harmed, was very relevant in Mr. Henson’s terrorism case, and if the jury had heard that testimony he would have been found not guilty on all counts.

30. The scriptural principle given by founder Hubbard that Scientology is following in its actions in the legal arena against people like Mr. Henson and me states:

The DEFENSE of anything is UNTENABLE. The only way to defend anything is to ATTACK, and if you ever forget that, then you will lose every battle you are ever engaged in, whether it is in terms of personal conversation, public debate, or a court of law. NEVER BE INTERESTED IN CHARGES. DO,
yourself, much MORE CHARGING, and you will WIN. And the public, seeing that you won, will then have a communication line to the effect that Scientologists WIN. Don’t ever let them have any other thought than that Scientology takes all of its objectives.4


The charges that the Scientologists and their agents who execute the Suppressive Person doctrine bring against their SP victims are often false charges. Scientology sought to have me falsely charged by the LA PD in 1982 for theft. In 1985 and 1986, as shown above, Scientology tried to have me prosecuted by the LA DA. In 1985 and 1986 Scientology tried to have me prosecuted by the FBI in Boston on a charge Scientology manufactured that I had impersonated an FBI officer.5 In 1992 through 1994, Scientology sought to have me punished for contempt of court on false charges. In 1997, Scientology was successful, as shown above, in having me punished with a fine and jail for reporting the organization’s threat to me after I was subpoenaed. In 1998, Scientology was successful in having me fined and ordered to jail for twenty-six days for expressions expressed in Canada and Germany.6  In 2001, Scientology was again successful in having me found in contempt of court for more religious expressions in Canada.7 In 2001, Scientology also sought to get me in trouble with the FSB, the Russian intelligence service that succeeded the KGB, and tried to have me picked up by U.S. agents in Moscow.8 In 2002, Scientology sought to have me charged by the Ekaterinburg, Russia prosecutor on the basis of false statements by Scientologists that I had trespassed in their office in that city. In 2004 and 2005 a Scientology agent leased an office across the street from my apartment in Chilliwack, B.C. Canada, spied on my wife throughout that period, and tried to trick us into making a video recording to later be used against us.9

31. I am convinced that Ken Hoden and any Scientologists who testified that they were frightened by Keith Henson possibly bombing them or hurting them in any way are lying as part of a conspiracy run by Scientology’s leaders to deprive him of his rights in violation 18 U.S.C. § 241, and in violation of other state and federal criminal statutes. What Scientology is trying to do in silencing me judicially and


extra-judicially demonstrates the same, and the list of beneficiaries of Scientology’s efforts to deprive me of my civil rights shows that the conspiracy is organization-wide. Since Scientology is demonstrably inter alia a criminal conspiracy against rights, Mr. Henson has every justification in the world to interfere with the conspiracy, even if the conspirators call their conspiracy religion.



Declaration of Gerry Armstrong (February 22, 1994)

I, Gerald Armstrong, declare:

1. I am over 18 years of age and a resident of the State of California. I have personal knowledge of the matters set forth herein and if called upon to testify thereto I competently would.

2. I am making this declaration in response to certain statements, principally those concerning me, made by David Miscavige in his declaration executed February 8, 1994, and filed in the case of Scientology v. Fishman & Geertz, United States District Court for the Central District of California, Case No. CV 91-6425 HLH(Tx).

3. Mr. Miscavige states that I am a proven liar because he has found a discrepancy between a finding of Judge Paul G. Breckenridge Jr. in his decision rendered June 20, 1984 in the case of Scientology v. Armstrong, Los Angeles Superior Court No. C 420153 (Armstrong I), and a statement allegedly made by me and secretly recorded by Mr. Miscavige’s covert intelligence operatives in the fall of 1984. (Miscavige dec. p. 31, l. 22 – p. 32, l. 5). Mr. Miscavige is employing one of Scientology’s confusion techniques the organization’s founder L. Ron Hubbard dubbed “dropped out time.” Mr. Miscavige’s incidents, which he has linked for purposes of confusion, are years apart.

4. In this civilization fear is generally accepted to be an emotion or state of mind which can either be present or not present, or perhaps present in degrees. It is fairly well accepted that a not abnormal person can be afraid one


day, when, for example there are a couple of unidentified men at four a.m. outside the person’s bedroom window where no men ought to be at four a.m., and not afraid on another day, when the person is, for example, watching the Dodgers beat the Giants. That the person claimed to be afraid at four a.m. Sunday and not afraid at the Wednesday ballgame does not make that person a proven liar. In my case there were more than two years between one time when I was afraid and the next occasion when Mr. Miscavige says I said I was not afraid.

5. In his decision, a true and correct copy of which is appended hereto as Exhibit [A] , Judge Breckenridge states:

“From his extensive knowledge of the covert and intelligence operations carried out by the Church of Scientology of California against its enemies (suppressive persons), Defendant Armstrong became terrified and feared that his life and the life of his wife were in danger, and he also feared he would be the target of costly and harassing lawsuits.”


“It was thereafter, in the summer of 1982, that Defendant Armstrong asked Mr. Garrison for copies of documents to use in his defense and sent the documents to his attorneys, Michael Flynn and Contos


& Bunch.

After the within suit was filed on August 2, 1982, Defendant Armstrong was the subject of harassment, including being followed and surveilled by individuals who admitted employment by [Scientology]; being assaulted by one of these individuals; being struck bodily by a car driven by one of these individuals; having two attempts made by said individuals apparently to involve Defendant Armstrong in a freeway automobile accident; having said individuals come onto Defendant Armstrong’s property, spy in his windows, create disturbances, and upset his neighbors.” (Ex. A. Appendix p. 14, l. 6 – p. 15, l. 3)

6. It is clear that Judge Breckenridge in his statements about my fear of organization legal and extra-legal attacks is referring to my state of mind in the period between the organization’s publication of its “Suppressive Person Declares” on me in early 1982 and its filing of Armstrong I in August, 1982. This fear was not irrational or unfounded as the organization itself proved when it harassed my wife and me as Judge Breckenridge found, and did file harassing and costly lawsuits against me. All of these harassing and criminal acts were carried out during Mr.


Miscavige’s control of such activities, which he claims to have wrested from the Guardian’s Office, which, itself, just as he himself, according to Mr. Miscavige, “used unscrupulous means to deal with people they perceived as enemies of the Church.” (Miscavige dec. p. 17, l. 17).

7. Mr. Miscavige’s new Guardian’s Office, the Office of Special Affairs, did not end its criminal and abusive tactics with the incidents listed by Judge Breckenridge, but has added ten more years of “fair game” attacks since the 1984 decision, including, but not limited to:

a. attempted framing by entrapment and illegal videotaping;

b. filing false criminal charges with the Los Angeles District Attorney;

c. filing false criminal charges with the Boston office of the FBI;

d. filing false declarations;

e. bringing contempt of court proceedings on three occasions based on false charges;

f. making false accusations in internationally published media of crimes, including crimes against humanity;

g. culling and disseminating information from my supposedly confidential auditing (psychotherapy) files;

h. relentlessly attacking my attorney, Michael Flynn of Boston, Massachusetts with some 15 lawsuits, baseless bar complaints, theft of office


documents, infiltration of his law practice, framing him with the forgery of a $2,000,000 check, an international black PR campaign, threats to him and his family, and, according to him, attempted assassination; all for the purpose of driving him out of the organization-related litigation in order to leave his clients undefended against the organization’s attacks;

i. fraudulently promising to discontinue “fair game” against me if I settled my cross-complaint against the organization, knowing full well that it would continue to attack me in the courts and the marketplace of ideas once I signed its settlement contract, which I did in December, 1986, and once it had contracted with Mr. Flynn to not defend me in future litigation;

j. following the settlement, publishing a false and unfavorable description of me in a “dead agent” pack relating to writer and anti-Scientology litigant Bent Corydon;

k. filing several affidavits in the case of Church of Scientology of California v. Russell Miller and Penguin Books Limited, case no. 6140 in the High Court of Justice in London England which falsely accused me of violations of court orders, and falsely labeled me “an admitted agent provocateur of the U.S. Federal Government”;

l. delivering copies of an edited version of an


illegally obtained 1984 videotape of me to the international media;

m. threatening me with lawsuits on six occasions if I did not abet its obstruction of justice in the Miller case, in the case of Bent Corydon v. Scientology, Los Angeles Superior Court No. C 694401, wherein Corydon had subpoenaed me as a witness, and in the case of Scientology v. Yanny, Los Angeles Superior Court No. C 690211;

n. threatening to release my confidences, which it had stolen from a friend, and which had been specifically sealed by Judge Breckenridge in Armstrong I if I did not assist it in preventing Corydon from gaining access to the Armstrong I court file;

o. on February 4, 1992, filing a lawsuit, Scientology v. Gerald Armstrong, Marin Superior Court Case No. 152229 (” Armstrong II”), transferred to Los Angeles Superior Court and given Case No. BC 052395, alleging contract breaches, which it itself precipitated, for the purposes of, inter alia, obstructing justice, suppressing evidence, assassinating my reputation, retaliation and intimidation;

p. on July 8, 1993, filing a lawsuit Scientology v. Gerald Armstrong & The Gerald Armstrong Corporation, Los Angeles Superior Court Case No. BC 084642 (” Armstrong III“) for the same purposes


as in o. above;

q. on July 23, 1993, filing a lawsuit, Scientology v. Gerald Armstrong, Michael Walton & The Gerald Armstrong Corporation, Marin Superior Court Case No. 157680 (“Armstrong IV“) for the same purposes as in o. above;

r. twice more bringing contempt of court charges against me based on false sworn statements.

8. The videotapes from which Mr. Miscavige claims to quote were made in November, 1984. In order to provide a context for how I came to be involved with his operatives who set up the videotaping and to clarify the words of both the operatives and myself which were recorded, and a few of which Mr. Miscavige claims to quote, I am appending hereto as Exhibit [B] a copy of a declaration/screenplay outline I have just completed and called “Find a Better Basket.”

9. When I state on the 1984 videotape that I am not afraid, I am answering one of the operatives’ questions or challenges which he has been drilled to state. In responding the way I did I am honestly communicating one of the changes I had perceived in my psyche over the almost three years since I left the organization. Because the organization teaches its members to put their faith in what cannot protect them; e.g., data, wins, attacks, hatred, disconnection, leverage, lawsuits, private investigators, fair game, L. Ron Hubbard or David Miscavige; it leaves them with a seemingly irreducible fear. Those who put their faith in God, Wherein lies perfect protection, give up their


fear. There will still be times when fear will arise, but the reestablishing of faith in God will every time cause that fear to disappear into the nothing it is. I was beginning to learn that wisdom by the time of the 1984 videotaping. In fact it was that learning which seemed to move me to associate with the operatives who only sought my destruction. I have stated many times that I have an undeniable concern that before it comes to its senses or saner minds prevail in the organization its power structure headed by Mr. Miscavige will have me assassinated or do something else diabolical and dangerous, and this has produced in me an awareness of threat and is a fact of my present psychological condition. The power structure is quite capable of violent and criminal acts, or of purchasing such acts. The power structure is armed, and its head PI Eugene M. Ingram has threatened to kill me. The power structure makes a religion of terrifying countless vulnerable and innocent people who do not have my certa inty and do not have my skills to fight the organization’s tyranny. For these reasons I oppose its tyranny and its suppressive doctrines and practices. Mr. Miscavige should not be pointing out imagined inconsistencies in whether one of his victims in one year or another was afraid or not of his vicious organization, but should be eliminating all of its viciousness so that no one ever again is made afraid by it.

10. Mr. Miscavige calls the videotaping of me “a police-sanctioned investigation.” (Miscavige Dec. p. 31, l. 8 28) This is a lie Mr. Miscavige must tell as if his life depends on it. I provided the truth in “Find a Better Basket.”

“Organization lawyers, Earle Cooley and John Peterson, claimed (during the 1985 trial of Julie Christofferson v. Scientology, Circuit Court of the State of Oregon, Multnomah County, No. A7704-05184, that) the Armstrong operation had been authorized by the Los Angeles Police Department, and they produced a letter dated November 7, 1984, ….. signed by an officer Phillip Rodriguez, directing organization private investigator Eugene M. Ingram to electronically eavesdrop on me and Michael Flynn. On April 23, 1985, Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl F. Gates issued a public statement, ….. denying that the Rodriguez letter was a correspondence from the Los Angeles Police Department, denying that the Los Angeles Police Department had cooperated with Ingram, and stating emphatically that all purported authorizations directed to Ingram by any member of the Los Angeles Police Department are invalid and unauthorized. On information and belief, the officer, Phillip Rodriguez, who signed Ingram’s letter was paid $10,000.00 for his signature. Also on information and belief, following a Los Angeles Police Department Internal Affairs


Division investigation and a Police Department Board of Rights, Officer Rodriguez was suspended from the Los Angeles Police Force.” (“Better Basket,” p. 13, paras. 22 and 23)

A copy of Officer Rodriguez’s “authorization” is appended hereto as Exhibit [C], and a copy of Chief Gates’ public announcement is appended hereto as Exhibit [D].

11. Mr. Miscavige claims that his illegal videotapes of me capture me acknowledging my real motives, to overthrow his organization’s leadership and gain control of it. (Miscavige Dec. p. 32, l.1 – l.3) This is absurd. His own people, operated by him, came to me with their idea, approved by him, as outlined in “Better Basket,” of wresting control of the organization from what they called the ” criminals” running it. I have never had a desire control the Scientology organization or Scientology, although I recognize that its leaders should be restrained from further abuse of anyone. My real motive in my day-to-day relationship with its leaders is to get it out of the litigation business and get it to cease its assault on the justice system, its abuse of innocence and its threatening of me, my friends and people of good will everywhere. I know David Miscavige personally. I know him to be a bully, a liar and a perfect replacement for L. Ron Hubbard at the controls of his empire. I also know that God is in him as He is in everyone else and that bullying and lying are just mad and useless efforts to fight that fact.

12. Mr. Miscavige states that I advise one of his


covert operatives to accuse the organization of various criminal acts and when I am told that no evidence exists to support those charges I respond to “just allege it.” (Miscavige Dec. p. 32, l. 5 – l. 8) “Better Basket” describes something of the context in which I make a statement differentiating between “allegations” and “proof.” The operative I’m talking to is Mike Rinder. Before this meeting I had already, on request of the “Loyalists,” provided them with a “bare bones” draft of a complaint. Complaints contain allegations. Complaints do not contain proof. Rinder, who had been represented to me as the Loyalists’ ” best legal mind” couldn’t seem to get the distinction between allegations and proof in the complaint, and I was frustrated in our conversation because he seemed so dense. Now, of course, his denseness is fully understandable. He had to appear stupid and had to deny that there was any “proof” of the sort of allegations that would be made in a complaint because he knew he was being recorded on a videotape which was going to be used to attack, and if possible destroy me. Even what the organization has done to me alone (see, e.g., crimes listed by Judge Breckenridge and the list in paragraph 7 above) is enough for actual true-hearted reformers to bring a lawsuit to take control of the organization from the criminals now in charge.

13. During Mr. Miscavige’s videotape operation a briefcase containing a book of my original drawings and writings and other documents was stolen from the trunk of my


car. My attorney made a demand on the organization for the return of these materials. The organization denied having them. I have recently been advised by Vicki Aznaran, a former organization executive who carried out operations against individuals on Mr. Miscavige’s orders, that he told her at the time of their theft that he had them and he described them to her. Knowing that this declaration will be seen by Mr. Miscavige, I herewith renew my demand to him for the return of my materials to me.

14. I will also take the opportunity to advise this Court that Mr. Miscavige’s organization considers that it has me under a contract whereby it may sue me for filing this declaration, not because it is untrue or libelous, but because that is what the organization insists its contract permits. This contract was obtained by Mr. Miscavige as the result of his organization’s years of attack on my attorney Michael Flynn, as stated in paragraph 7 subparagraph h. above. In order to get the organization to cease its fair game against Mr. Flynn I had to sign its contract, which, according to Mr. Miscavige, allows him and his agents to say whatever they want about me in any court proceeding or in the media and I may not respond. If I do respond I become subject to a $50,000.00 liquidated damages provision for every utterance, and the target in another Miscavige-ordered costly and harassing lawsuit. The three lawsuits, Armstrong II, III and IV described in paragraph 7, subparagraphs o, pand q, and the contempt of court proceedings at subparagraph r, are all pursuant to this contract. The contract is


against public policy and illegal. Mr. Miscavige, moreover, entered into a separate illegal contract with Mr. Flynn, which prohibits Mr. Flynn from assisting me in any litigation against the organization. If Mr. Flynn were to assist me he would again be subjected to “fair game.” Mr. Miscavige would be wise to rescind all these illegal contracts and discontinue his abuse of the legal process and totally eliminate from his organization the doctrine and practice of fair game, and not merely deny its existence.

15. Mr. Miscavige claims to know a great deal about the IRS dropping me as a witness because of his videotapes. In truth I was not dropped as a witness at all, and my credibility, despite more than twelve years of his organization’s attacks on it, is intact. One of the conditions of the 1986 “settlement” with Mr. Miscavige’s organization was that in order for the organization to discontinue the “fair game” against Mr. Flynn I had to sign a knowingly false affidavit, essentially stating that Mr. Miscavige’s new regime had discontinued the organization’s criminal activities. Mr. Flynn claimed that the organization had already tried to murder him and he felt his life and his family were in danger. I fully believed Mr. Flynn because I had myself been the target of fair game for five years by then and had likewise been threatened with murder. I, along with several other of Mr. Flynn’s clients, therefore signed these false affidavits which the organization had prepared. The organization then filed the false affidavits in its IRS litigations. Mr. Miscavige


makes much of the IRS granting his organization tax exempt status. Our government’s turning its back on this organization’s thousands of victims and apparently ignoring its obnoxious, irreligious and criminal core nature, however, does not make this victimization and antisocial nature either right or religious.

16. Mr. Miscavige also claims that Scientology’s philosophy and practice of opportunistic hatred, called “fair game” by L. Ron Hubbard, its originator, doesn’t exist. It does. I declare under the penalty of perjury under the laws of the State of California that the foregoing is true and correct.

Executed at San Anselmo, California, on February 22, 1994.




Exhibit [A]
Breckenridge Decision

Exhibit [B]
Find a Better Basket

Exhibit [C]
Rodriguez “authorization”

Exhibit [D]
LAPD Police Chief Daryl Gates’ Announcement

Declaration of Gerry Armstrong (February 20, 1994)

Find a Better Basket

I, Gerald Armstrong, declare:

1. I am making this declaration in response to allegations made by Scientology organization leaders, attorneys and agents in court proceedings and public media around the world concerning a 1984 organization intelligence operation targeting me, which has been called the “Armstrong Operation.” I am copyrighting this document prior to its use in court because it will, in addition to putting the organization’s allegations into a proper context, form an outline for a screenplay I am writing. It is my story.

2. After I left the organization at the end of 1981, the organization intelligence bureau assigned Dan Sherman, a Los Angeles spy story writer and intel operative, to get close to me and become my friend, which he did. I had been the intelligence officer on board the “Apollo” with the organization’s founder and supreme leader L. Ron Hubbard, had studied his intelligence policies and Guardian’s Office 1 intelligence materials, had an


appreciation for that literary genre, and I was myself a writer, so Sherman and I had a real basis for a real friendship.

3. Sherman told me he was no longer involved in Scientology, wanted nothing to do with it, saw it as a personal waste of time, and also saw that its leaders were ruthless and dangerous, and claimed to be afraid of them finding out that he was friends with me. Sometime in 1982 or 1983 he told me that he was still in communication in a limited way with some of his old friends still in the organization. He described these friends as smart, reasonable and not fanatics. They were still Scientologists and worked on staff, but felt that organization leaders were criminals. Having no allegiance to these leaders, Sherman’s friends would occasionally tell him about conditions inside and their desire to end the organization’s criminal activities. They said the conditions inside were oppressive and chaotic and they were at risk even talking to him because sec checks2 were rampant.

4. During the 1984 trial of the organization’s case against me, Church of Scientology of California and Mary Sue Hubbard v. Gerald Armstrong, Los Angles Superior Court no. C 420153 (“Armstrong I“), Sherman told me that one of these friends, whom he called “Joey,” had told him that there was an


actual group inside the organization who were dedicated to reforming it because management had become suppressive. They called themselves the “Loyalists,” claiming to be ” loyal” to the preservation of the ideals of Scientology, “what worked.” They also recognized that its leaders were criminal, crazy, dangerous, and not dedicated to those ideals but were acting to destroy them. The “Loyalists” wanted to take control in a well-planned, effective and peaceful action before some tragedy happened. They claimed to know of criminal activities and a key part of their plan was the documenting of these activities.

5. Sherman said they were 35 in number, or at least there were 35 who knew they were “Loyalists,” all smart, reasonable and not fanatics. Some of them were his old friends from B-1. Such persons tended to be smart, reasonable and often were not fanatics. The people whom I knew to be, including Hubbard, the organization leaders, prided themselves on their recognition of unreasonableness as a virtue, and maintained an abiding fanaticism to justify their abuses and keep their positions of power. Sherman was smart and gave every appearance of being reasonable and unfanatical. He said the Loyalists knew he was in communication with me and wanted to talk with me but were afraid for their lives. This was not surprising to me because I knew from my own experiences that the organization had a brutal side and its leaders were dangerous, armed and desperate. Thus the first communications with the Loyalists were a few messages relayed by Sherman. They said that I had a proven record against


the organization, that my integrity had been unshakable and they wanted my help.

6. A few days after the Armstrong I trial ended, Joey, who, I later learned, was actually one David Kluge, made the first direct contact with me, a phone call to my home in Costa Mesa, California. He said the Loyalists knew I wanted my pc folders,3 was the head of the Guardian Office for years and among other things, authored the infamous order ‘GO 121669’ which directed culling of supposedly confidential P.C. files/folders for the purposes of internal security.” “The practice of culling supposedly confidential ‘P.C. folders or files’ to obtain information for purposes of intimidation and/or harassment is repugnant and outrageous. The Guardian’s Office, which plaintiff [Mary Sue Hubbard] headed, was no respector of anyone’s civil rights, particularly that of privacy.”]4 that my folders were being moved on a certain day and that I could get them if I wanted. I told Kluge that even though the folders were mine the organization would claim, if it was discovered I had them, that I was accepting stolen property, so I had to decline his offer. I was also already booked, on the same day the Loyalists said they would get me my pc folders, to fly to London to testify in a child custody case5 involving


Scientology, and I told Kluge that I couldn’t change my plans.

7. When I returned from the UK, where, incidentally, I had been harassed by a pack of English private investigators working for the organization, Kluge reestablished contact, and I communicated with him or Sherman several times over the next few months. I was happy to be in communication with them, because I’m happy to be in communication with anyone, and my relationship with the Loyalists, who were admitted Scientologists, seemed a spark of hope in the seemingly hopeless and threatening Scientology situation.

8. I have believed and stated that when Scientologists have the freedom to communicate to the people their leaders label “enemies,” Scientology will cease to have enemies. The organization’s leaders prohibit their minions from communicating with me, thus I am their enemy. This prohibition is enforced with severe “ethics” punishment, which could easily include “declaring” the person who dared to communicate with me a “suppressive” person, thus making him the target of the organization’s philosophy and practice of opportunistic hatred Hubbard called “fair game.”

9. I had lost my law office job because of the Armstrong I trial, which really ran from April into June, 1984, and I did not get another job for some months, so had considerable time on my


hands in the fall of 1984 to meet with Sherman and the Loyalists and do some of the things they wanted. I had begun to draw and write seriously during this period, and some of my writings concerned the Scientology battle and the Loyalists. My situation with the organization and the Loyalists was bizarre and psychologically traumatic, and this is reflected in my writings of the period. Thanks to, I believe, my growing faith in God I was given the gift of a healthy sense of humor and that too is a facet of my communications and writings during the period.

10. In late July, 1984 the organization fed to the media the story, and filed papers in various court cases, including Armstrong I, charging, that Michael Flynn, who had fought the organization’s fair game tactics for five years, who had been my friend and attorney for two years and had just successfully defended me in the Armstrong I trial, was behind a plot to cash a forged check for $2,000,000.00 on one of Hubbard’s accounts at the Bank of New England. Sherman and Kluge communicated that the Loyalists knew Flynn was not involved, and that the organization leaders knew Flynn was uninvolved but were framing him with the forgery. The Loyalists said that they were working inside the organization to acquire the proof of the frame-up, and that when they proved Flynn’s innocence they would be in a position to effectuate the reforms they sought. This was fine with me, because I fully believed that Flynn was innocent, and that the organization was framing him just to be able to attack him to eliminate the threat he represented to its antisocial practices



and nature.

11. Over the next few months Sherman and Kluge communicated with me regularly about the Loyalists’ progress in documenting the truth about the Flynn frame-up. They claimed that all staff were searched before they could leave OSA or management offices, so it was hard to get any documents out. Nevertheless, on a couple of occasions Sherman and Joey gave me a page or two that had been smuggled out. I learned that a US Attorney in Boston had become involved in the investigation of the frame-up, and I passed whatever I got from the Loyalists to him through Flynn.

12. One of the ideas which developed with the Loyalists in the early fall of 1984 was the possible filing of a lawsuit to take control of the organization from the “criminals.” I saw this as an idea with merit, and could be the effective action the Loyalists said they were looking for to avert a major organization tragedy. I told Flynn what they wanted and he drafted a “bare bones” complaint which I passed to them. Sherman, Kluge and I discussed the lawsuit concept on several occasions, both of them asking me for my ideas and I helped as I could within the limits of my knowledge, ability and imagination.

13. The Loyalists then began discussing with me finding a financial “backer” for their lawsuit, basing this need on the likelihood that the bringing of the suit would freeze organization accounts, and the Loyalists would need operating capital. They claimed that the leaders had lots of money they had skimmed from the organization and squirreled away in their


own bank accounts, and the Loyalists were all staff members and thus broke. I couldn’t help them with money, and knew of no one who might finance whatever they did, so they said that, because I understood the situation so well, and had a proven record, they wanted me to talk to and encourage some prospective backers with whom they were in touch. One day I got a call from Kluge, asking me to fly to Las Vegas to meet with such a person, a “rich Scientologist” who had been mistreated by the organization and was aligned with the Loyalists on their goal of reformation.

Although on Kluge’s instructions I purchased a plane ticket, I called off the trip before leaving because my lawyers warned me that I could be walking into a trap.

14. There were many times during this period when I considered the possibility that I was walking into a trap. The thought arose in all my meetings with Kluge, and later with Mike Rinder, the second Loyalist I would meet. Their communications often didn’t jibe with what they or Sherman had said on earlier occasions, and sometimes they said things which were downright stupid. I had no way of originating a communication to them, had no telephone numbers, no locations, no names, and no idea what any of them did. They had my address, phone number, knew exactly what I did, and could call me any time they wanted. They told me almost nothing, and wanted to know everything I knew. They claimed I had to be kept in the dark because of their fear for their lives, and for that reason I went along with their, even to me, strange behavior.


15. Because of their fear for their lives they depended on secrecy, duplicity and intelligence procedures and goals. Although I had been in intelligence in the organization and had the essential quality for the field; i.e., native intelligence, I had, after leaving the organization, come to the conclusion that Scientology’s brand of intelligence; i.e., the secret world of data, duplicity, stealth, hidden intentions and hidden identities, was ineffective, unhealthy, unholy, and not my choice for how I would make my way through life and deal with my problems. Even inside the organization, which is an intelligence-based group, I had urged those who were in positions to do something about it to open up, stop lying, disclose its leaders, divulge its secrets; because I felt that its lies, secrets, and secret orders from its secret leaders would only bring upon it more problems. After leaving the organization, a factor in my life which led to my faith in openness and freedom as opposed to secrecy and leverage, was all the testifying I did, in trial in Armstrong I and in B & G Wards, and in many days of depositions in several more Scientology-related cases. Also I knew that the organization’s leaders, who had an undeniable determination to harm me, possessed my pc folders which contained every embarrassing incident or thought in my life, and my lives back umpteen impossibillion years. These facts had resulted in a tendency in me at times during this period to not care what happened to me and to act a little wild and silly.

16. Sometime during 1984 it came to me that what I was


following, and what was a far superior technology and faith than intelligence, or perhaps perfect intelligence, was guidance. I had been given, before and after my asking, a desire to know my Creator, and I believe I received during this period some of His communications to me. Hubbard in his writings put no faith in his Creator, but put it in something of his own making, an intelligence apparatus in which he was the secret leader with secret bank accounts, secret communication lines, secret codes, secret intentions, and secret lawyers to keep them all secret. I had come to know God a little, and understood that no matter how scary things got I was in hands in which I was in no real danger. I could be shot, my body could be destroyed, I could be defamed and ruined, and I would still be in no real danger. And things did get scary for me in my dealings with Sherman and the Loyalists during this period. I picked up surveillance on a number of occasions, and there was the nagging strangeness of the Loyalists’ communications and the movie-like quality of this play in which I was being played with. I still retained my intellect and acted with good sense most of the time, but a shift was occurring in my mind and soul. I began to walk deliberately into danger, but I was also new at this approach to life, and as yet a little foolhardy and undisciplined, and these facts too are reflected in my writings and actions of the period.

17. Sherman’s and Kluge’s interest was intelligence and they didn’t want to hear much of my philosophy of guidance, courage and openness, so I turned my mind to the intelligence


game, and as always happens when I turn my mind to any subject, I had ideas. Some of these ideas I communicated to the Loyalists, some I wrote down, some were only funny. Our meetings had a secretive, spy story feel to them, partly because of the danger the Loyalists said they were in and the danger I was in anyone would say, partly because of the subject matter we discussed, and partly because of the settings in which we met. Sherman insisted that I couldn’t come to his home, so we met on many occasions in the bird sanctuary in Griffith Park. My first meeting with Kluge was in a cemetery in Glendale. I met him two more times in early November at different locations in Griffith Park, and then met with Rinder two times in late November at two more locations in the park.

18. Sherman told me around October, 1984 that the Loyalists had found a potential backer, a woman named Rene, another “rich Scientologist,” who he said had been horribly hurt by the organization. He said he knew her personally and considered her a good and trusted friend. He said that she owned a publishing company which printed calendars, that he had told her about my artwork and writing, and that she wanted to see some of my materials for possible publication. Following our first meeting in Griffith Park Kluge took me to the Sheraton Grand Hotel in downtown Los Angeles to meet her. I took along a file of some of my work and left it with her. In my meeting with her she wanted to know my perspective on the lawsuit idea and my thoughts on removing the organization’s criminal leadership.


19. While claiming that the Loyalists wanted to take legal action to bring about a safe transfer of power, both Sherman and Kluge also claimed that they didn’t know anything about legal matters, nor any of the organization’s litigations, and that there were other people higher up in the Loyalist network who were trained in legal, stayed abreast of the organization’s litigation battles, and had an understanding of the Loyalists’ legal options and an overview of their plan which Sherman and Kluge didn’t have. Coupled with their claimed need to keep me in the dark for fear of their lives, their assertions of ignorance of legal matters caused considerable frustration in me and in our communications. As a result, I requested in a number of communications to speak to their “best legal mind.”

20. Finally the Loyalists said that their legal expert would meet me and a rendezvous was set up, again in Griffith Park. The “legal expert” turned out to be Mike Rinder, a person I had known in the organization, who had held various lower level administrative posts. Rinder, it turned out, also professed ignorance of legal concepts, and my meetings and communications with him were even more frustrating.

21. Some time after my last meeting with Rinder, which occurred November 30, 1984, I received a phone call from Kluge, advising me that the Loyalists did not trust me and would not be communicating with me again. I then wrote them my final communication, a copy of which is appended hereto as Exhibit A6, and gave it to Sherman to give to them.


22. During my cross-examination7 in the spring, 1985 trial of Julie Christofferson v. Scientology, Circuit Court of the State of Oregon, Multnomah County, No. A7704-05184, the organization broke the fact that Sherman, Kluge and Rinder had been covert operatives, the Loyalists were invented, and that my meetings with Kluge and Rinder had been videotaped.8 The organization called the whole more than two year affair the “Armstrong Operation.” Organization lawyers, Earle Cooley and John Peterson, claimed the Armstrong operation had been authorized by the Los Angeles Police Department, and they produced a letter dated November 7, 1984, a copy of which is appended hereto as Exhibit B 9, signed by an officer Phillip Rodriguez, directing organization private investigator Eugene M. Ingram to electronically eavesdrop on me and Michael Flynn.

23. On April 23, 1985, Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl F. Gates issued a public statement, a copy of which is appended hereto as Exhibit C10, denying that the Rodriguez letter was a correspondence from the Los Angeles Police Department, denying that the Los Angeles Police Department had cooperated with Ingram, and stating emphatically that all purported authorizations directed to Ingram by any member of the Los Angeles Police Department are invalid and unauthorized. On information and belief, the officer, Phillip Rodriguez, who signed Ingram’s letter was paid $10,000.00 for his signature. Also on information and belief, following a Los Angeles Police Department Internal Affairs Division investigation and a Police


Department Board of Rights, Officer Rodriguez was suspended from the Los Angeles Police Force. Eugene Ingram had himself some years before been drummed out of the Los Angeles Police Department. He is reputed to have been busted for pandering and taking payoffs from drug dealers. He is a liar and a bully who has been involved in organization intelligence operations against its perceived enemies for many years. During the period I was involved with the Loyalists Ingram called me at my home and threatened to put a bullet between my eyes.

24. Initially the presiding judge in the Christofferson trial Donald F. Londer refused to admit the tapes because they had been obtained illegally. Then he viewed them in chambers and when he returned to the bench stated that “the tapes are devastating, very devastating to the church.” Then he admitted them into evidence.

25. Despite Judge Londer’s ruling and comments, and despite Chief Gates’ repudiation of the Rodriguez “authorization,” the organization has continued in press and courts around the world to claim that the videotape operation was “police-sanctioned.”

The organization has continued to claim that I originated the “plot to overthrow ” church” management” and that I initiated the contact with the organization members, who merely played along with my plan while remaining “loyal” to the organization. It also has continued to claim that the videotapes show me plotting to forge documents and seed them in organization files to be found in a raid, show me creating “sham lawsuits,” show me urging


the Loyalists to not prove anything but “just allege it,” and show me seeking to take control of the organization. The videotapes show none of those things. The tapes show that in the fall of 1984, during the reign of the organization’s present supreme leader David Miscavige (DM), the fair game doctrine was alive and as unfair as ever. The tapes show a mean-spirited, mendacious and malevolent organization using well-drilled operatives and electronic gadgetry to attempt, unsuccessfully, to set up an unwitting, funny, sometimes silly, clearly helpful, at times foul-mouthed, but otherwise ordinary human male.

26. The organization’s refusal to stop telling these lies is not surprising, however, because its leaders have put so many of their eggs in their dirty tricks basket. These leaders are unbalanced and in a very precarious situation. Having lied about the Armstrong Operation in so many courts and publications and to so many people, including their own followers, these leaders risk their positions of power, and in their minds their very lives, if they ever admit the breadth of those lies. Yet it is in the acknowledgement of the truth behind those lies where ultimately their safety will be found.

27. It has not ceased to be embarrassing to me whenever the organization trots out the Armstrong videotapes, because I do say some silly and raunchy things. But the organization has never been able to embarrass me into silence and it won’t now.

28. The Scientology legal war has almost run its course. The organization’s leaders can never rewrite all history.


Scientologists of good will everywhere can be free.

I declare under the penalty of perjury under the laws of the State of California that the foregoing is true and correct.

Executed at San Anselmo, California, on February 20, 1994. 11

Copyright © 1994 Gerry Armstrong



  1. The Guardian’s Office (“GO”), headed from 1966 to 1981 by Mary Sue Hubbard, who reported to and was controlled by L. Ron Hubbard, consisted of five bureaus: Intelligence, Public Relations, Legal, Finance and Social Coordination (front groups). The GO was responsible for hiding its money and its actual command lines, defending the organization against attacks and for eliminating all opposition to its progress. Hubbard patterned its intelligence bureau, B-1, and the organization’s total espionage mentality on the work of Reinhard Gehlen, Hitler’s spy master. On Hubbard’s orders, after the conviction of 11 top GO intelligence personnel, including Mary Sue, for criminal activities against the US Government, Scientology’s second major arm of power, the Sea Organization, in a 1981 putsch took control of the GO’s functions and subsequently renamed the GO arm the Office of Special Affairs, “OSA.”
  2. Sec checks are accusatory interrogations using Hubbard’s electropsychometer or E-Meter as a lie detector. Sec checks could be brutal, could go on for many hours or days, could involve several people asking questions, threatening and badgering, and could have disastrous results for the interrogee.
  3. Pc folders, also called preclear or auditing files or folders, contain the record of processes run and questions asked by the auditor (psycho- therapist), E-Meter reads, and answers given and statements made by the preclear (or patient) during Scientology auditing (or psychotherapy) sessions. It was well known that I had opposed and exposed the organ- ization’s misuse of information divulged by the organization’s “preclears” (what were essentially psychotherapist-patient confidences) in auditing. I had been attempting to get the organization to deliver to me my pc folders throughout the Armstrong I litigation, and the misuse of auditing information was an issue in the Armstrong I trial. Judge Paul G. Breckenridge, Jr. stated in his decision following the 30-day Armstrong I trial: “[Mary Sue Hubbard
  4. See The Breckenridge Decision, filed June 22, 1984.
  5. This Royal Courts of Justice case, known as Re: B and G Wards resulted in a Judgment on July 23, 1984 issued by Justice Latey in favor of the non-Scientologist parent. The Judgment, which was upheld on appeal, contained a scathing condemnation of organization policies and practices.
  6. Exhibit A: Letter to the Loyalists
  7. See Excerpts of Proceedings in Christofferson
  8. See Illegal Videos
  9. Exhibit B: Illegal authorization November 7, 1984
  10. Exhibit C: Public Announcement by LAPD Police Chief Daryl Gates
  11. Also see related Declaration of Gerry Armstrong (February 22, 1994).